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Kentucky Law Journal Volume 113
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A “dark kitchen” is a restaurant with no in-person ordering facilities.[1] Rather than going to the restaurant’s premises, customers of a dark kitchen must place an order online and wait for food to be delivered to them.[2] Some dark kitchens, known as virtual restaurants, operate out of the same premises as a traditional in-person restaurant but only interact with customers online.[3] Others, known as ghost kitchens, prepare food in a commercial kitchen space and lack a retail location entirely.[4] Dark kitchens often partner with third-party meal delivery platforms, such as Uber Eats, Grubhub, and DoorDash, to coordinate delivery of their food to customers.[5]
No amount of restorative justice will ever be able to compensate for the loss and grief caused by school shootings. However, the continuous growth of school shooting across the nation has pushed lawmakers, public officials, and prosecutors to look for new ways to put an end to the horror being sown in our schools.[1] One such novel way is to prosecute the parents for their child’s crime.[2] Until April, when prosecutor Karen McDonald convicted Jennifer and James Crumbley of involuntary manslaughter in Michigan, this was unheard of.[3] Now, Colin Gray, the father of a school shooter in Georgia, has been convicted of murder for his son’s actions.[4]
Immigration has been one of the most controversial topics in the 2024 election season across party lines.[1] Both presidential candidates discussed plans to prevent the number of 11 million unauthorized noncitizens from growing,[2] but President-elect Donald Trump’s goal is to launch the largest deportation plan in United States history.[3] The magnitude of his program will require a massive increase in funding for federal agencies.[4] Additionally, Trump will have to build state relationships and look to local law enforcement if he hopes to have the numbers required to be successful.[5]
Piece rate compensation is a common pay system in the manufacturing, agriculture, home services, and construction industries.[1] In the construction context it means that workers are paid by units handled rather than hours worked. For example, a drywall hanger would be paid for every board of drywall they hang, or a roofer for every roll of tar paper they put down.[2] While piece rate compensation is widely held to increase efficiency,[3] it prompts construction workers to disregard Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) standards in order to be more productive and achieve their desired income.
On July 15, 2024, House Bill 7 established a regulatory framework that allowed fully autonomous vehicles on Kentucky’s roads.[1] Representative Josh Bray, the bill’s sponsor, stated that this legislation was designed to establish a framework for the future rather than to get driverless vehicles on the road as soon as possible.[2] With this bill, Kentucky became the 25th state to permit autonomous vehicles on public roads.[3] Although more than half of the states have now enacted a similar bill permitting autonomous vehicles (“AVs”) on public roads (19 have fully allowed AV operation and 12 have allowed simply testing), the decision to enact such legislation is rife with controversy from a safety and security standpoint, not only in Kentucky, but nationally.[4]
n the last three years, the Supreme Court dealt critical blows to the supposed “administrative state”—the bureaucratic collection of over 400 federal agencies created by Congress.[1] In 2022, with the advent[2] of its “major questions doctrine,” which requires an agency to point to “clear congressional authorization” for actions that implicate a “major question,” the Court thwarted the Environmental Protection Agency’s attempt to cap carbon dioxide emissions.[3] The following year, the Court applied the infant doctrine to stop the Secretary of Education’s student loan forgiveness plan.[4] In both instances, members of the majority opinion drew upon Justice Antonin Scalia’s famous maxim that Congress “does not… hide elephants in mouseholes”[5] to find it unlikely that Congress’s vague delegation of broad regulatory power entailed the authority to make such highly consequential decisions.[6]