Non-Restorable Competence to Stand Trial: A Loophole in Kentucky's Law

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Sean Harrison[1]

 

Introduction 

 

 In Kentucky, a defendant’s competence to stand trial may be called into question at any point after arraignment.[2] If reasonable grounds exist for the court to believe that the defendant is not competent to stand trial, the proceedings are halted and a full determination of the defendant’s capacity must be made.[3] The court must then appoint a psychologist or psychiatrist to assess the defendant’s competence and file a report with the court detailing his or her findings.[4] Once the report is submitted, the court holds a hearing to determine if the defendant is competent to stand trial.[5] If the court deems the defendant incompetent to stand trial (IST), such a defendant may not be “tried, convicted, or sentenced so long as the incompetency continues.”[6] Kentucky is not unique in this procedure—the federal judiciary, as well as a majority of states, use this same process to assess a defendant’s ability to stand trial.[7]

Competency proceedings increase in complexity when courts are faced with the decision of how to treat, detain, and rehabilitate such IST defendants. In Kentucky, the appointed psychologist or psychiatrist is required to make a second finding: What is the likelihood of the defendant’s competence being restored in the foreseeable future?[8] When a defendant is found to be incompetent, but competence is substantially likely to be restored in the foreseeable future, the court will generally commit the defendant to a forensic psychiatry facility for competency restoration treatment for a period of sixty days.[9] At the end of those sixty days, if the defendant is found competent to stand trial, the proceedings against him will continue.[10]

A defect appears in Kentucky’s criminal procedure, however, when a defendant is found incompetent and his competence is deemed unlikely to be restored in the foreseeable future. In this case, the court is required to conduct an involuntary hospitalization of the defendant pursuant to chapter 202A or 202B of the Kentucky Revised Statutes.[11] The proscribed chapters outline the criteria for involuntary hospitalization for a person with a mental illness[12] or a person with an intellectual disability.[13] One element of both criteria is that the patient can reasonably benefit from the treatment provided in the hospitalization.[14] When a person is deemed to have non-restorable competence, however, there is, by definition, no possible treatment which could benefit their condition. Thus, once such a defendant is hospitalized involuntarily, the hospital must discharge him because he fails to meet the criteria for an admission under KRS 202A or 202B.[15] Kentucky law provides little recourse for courts to prevent such defendants from being discharged.[16]

This Note will examine the legal and historical framework that has led to this gap in criminal procedure in Kentucky and other states. Part I will outline the history of competence as a critical element of a criminal defense. Part II will distinguish the legal determination of competence from the clinical determination of capacity. Part III will address the due process and equal protection concerns associated with involuntary hospitalization or commitment for incompetency to stand trial. Part IV will explore Texas’s recent statutory scheme aimed at addressing the loophole in criminal procedure created by non-restorable competence. Part V will consider a pending criminal case against a Kentucky defendant who has been repeatedly classified as incompetent to stand trial and unlikely to regain competence. Part VI will examine proposed legislation and other measures to assure both due process to defendants and public safety to community-members. Lastly, Part VII will propose the simplest, least expensive criminal procedural reform in Kentucky’s history.

I.               The History of Competence

 

As early as 1845, courts recognized the need for unique legal treatment of those designated criminally insane.[17] In the Massachusetts case The Matter of Josiah Oakes, Judge Shaw found the “great law of humanity” to be sufficient legal basis for involuntary hospitalization of an insane person who presented a danger to himself or others.[18] Further, Shaw found that the restraint could continue for an indefinite period of time—as long as the restraint was necessary to protect the defendant or others.[19] Shaw’s theory of indefinite restraint and imprisonment of the criminally insane was popular among the states.[20] By 1890, every state in the U.S. operated some form of “publicly-supported mental hospital,”[21] the earliest being Virginia’s Eastern State Hospital, established in 1773.[22]

The process by which a person was relegated to these facilities varied: a husband could have his wife committed,[23] a family member could recommend commitment, or a judicial decision could require commit.[24] These early involuntary commitments were subject only to the requirement that the individual would benefit from treatment.[25] As cases alleging wrongful commitment began to arise commonly in the late 1800s, institutions began identifying more formal criteria for admission.[26] States soon began to enact stricter methods for commitment,[27] but in criminal cases, a finding that a defendant lacked the mental competence to stand trial often resulted in an indefinite, automatic commitment to an asylum or psychiatric treatment facility.[28]

Beginning in 1960, a series of Supreme Court decisions began to create guidelines for the legal treatment of criminal defendants whose competence was in question.[29] In Dusky v. U.S., the Court held that a defendant's competence is determined by his “present ability to consult with his lawyer with a reasonable degree of rational understanding—and whether he has a rational and factual understanding of the proceedings against him.”[30] The Court also distinguished mere orientation and recollection from legal competence to stand trial.[31] In 1975, the Court further held that a defendant must also be able to assist in preparing his defense in order to be found competent to stand trial.[32]

As courts adopted higher standards for involuntary and criminal commitments, Congress passed the Community Mental Health Act, moving funding out of state mental hospitals and into smaller treatment centers, intending to allow those housed in state mental hospitals to be treated quickly and released back into society.[33] In combination with the release of the first anti-psychotic drug, this legislation enabled many mentally ill patients to return to their homes.[34] Those with the most severe mental conditions, however, were left without treatment options.[35]

Between 1970 and 2014, the U.S. has experienced a 77% decline in total capacity for 24-hour psychiatric treatment.[36] This decline can be attributed to the increase in outpatient treatment and the push for deinstitutionalization.[37] Instead of returning home, many of these patients were “transinstitutionalized” into incarceration.[38] Between four to seven percent of the growth in U.S. incarceration rates between 1980 and 2000 is attributable this lack of psychiatric care.[39] To its shame, the three largest mental health treatment facilities in the U.S. are the Cook County Jail, Los Angeles County Jail, and Rikers Island.[40]

 

II.              Competence and Capacity: Legal and Clinical Differentiation

 

Kentucky’s problems in dealing with IST defendants begin with the designation of incompetence itself. In 1966, the U.S. Supreme Court held that if a district court does not allow an inquiry into a defendant’s competence to stand trial, the court deprives the defendant of his “constitutional right to a fair trial.”[41] The appointed expert, however, can only provide advisory information to the judge who makes the ultimate competency assessment.[42]  Kentucky statutory law provides little discussion of what constitutes competence to stand trial.[43] Although the Supreme Court has provided instruction on the theoretical basis of competence, little guidance is given for situations in which a judge might disagree with the psychiatric appointee’s recommendation. 

When making a ruling on the defendant’s competence, the court is not limited to specific criteria to consider.[44] Some federal courts have considered factors like inability to communicate intelligently,[45] family history of mental health issues,[46] self-defeating behavior,[47]hallucinations,[48] prior use of antipsychotic medications,[49] and more. A mental disorder alone is not dispositive in showing incompetence.[50] The judicial determination of competence revolves around one legal question—whether continuing with judicial proceedings affords the defendant a reasonable opportunity to participate in his defense.[51]

When the court disagrees with the assessment performed by the appointed psychiatrist or psychologist, the court is at liberty to act against the expert’s recommendation.[52] Because the current legal framework grants wide latitude and little concrete guidance on the specific criteria of a competency analysis, judges have become dependent upon appointed experts for diagnoses of defendants’ mental deficits.[53] However, a study conducted on competence-to-stand-trial assessments in Hawaii found that judges are more likely to rule a defendant incompetent, rather than competent, after hearing conflicting expert testimony on competency.[54]

The determination of the restorability of a defendant’s competence is even more convoluted. In some states, the court assesses the likelihood of restoration of a defendant’s competence within a statutorily specified timeframe; in other states, the court decides if restoration is likely in the foreseeable future.[55] In Texas, restoration is predicated on guidance from the facility where the defendant was being treated. [56]

The greatest disparity between the legal and clinical distinctions occurs when an IST defendant whose competence is unlikely to be restored is relegated to involuntary commitment in a psychiatric treatment facility. In Kentucky, this issue manifests in the difference between the legal criteria for incompetence and the legal criteria for involuntary hospitalization.[57] A defendant may be found incompetent by the courts, but his incompetence does not necessarily make him a candidate for involuntary hospitalization.[58] Although the statutes allow an IST defendant to be committed into a psychiatric facility for hospitalization,[59] they do not allow the facility to continue such a hospitalization once they deem the defendant to be unlikely to benefit from treatment.[60] By creating the legal category of “non-restorable competence,” the Kentucky legislature has created a class of criminal defendants whom they cannot legally jail, try, or commit. Any solution offered to this issue will require a standardization of language and a revision of the statutes to create a cohesive plan of both legal and psychiatric treatment for such IST defendants.

 

III.            Due Process and Equal Protection Concerns

 

In Pate v. Robinson, the Supreme Court made a definitive ruling that to try or sentence a defendant who is incompetent to stand trial is a denial of due process of law.[61] With substantive due process, a defendant has the right to not be prosecuted while incompetent.[62] With procedural due process, a defendant has the right to a reasonable examination of his competency to stand trial.[63] However, if a defendant’s competence is found unlikely to be restored, the application of due process to his circumstances becomes less clear. 

Nearly a decade after Pate, in Jackson v. Indiana, the Court addressed the issue of competence that is unlikely to be restored.[64] Theon Jackson, a deaf-mute defendant accused of two thefts amounting to less than $10, was found incompetent to stand trial after a court-appointed psychiatrist testified that no state facilities were capable of developing Johnson’s communication abilities.[65] Additionally, experts testified that even if Jackson were to gain “minimal communication skills,” he would still lack the mental capacity necessary to be found competent to stand trial.[66]Jackson was committed by the lower court until he could be deemed “sane.”[67] On appeal, Jackson’s counsel argued that this commitment violated the Fourteenth Amendment’s Equal Protection Clause[68] and Due Process Clause.[69]

Jackson’s claim that he was deprived of equal protection of the law stems from Indiana’s standards for commitment and release of criminal defendants in comparison to the commitment and release of individuals with mental illness who are undergoing civil commitment proceedings.[70]The Court agreed with Jackson, finding that the State’s standard for commitment of criminal defendants was more lenient than the standard for commitment of mentally ill individuals under the civil commitment statute.[71] Under both standards, commitment required examination by two doctors, a judicial hearing with opportunity for cross-examination, opportunity to introduce evidence, and opportunity for appellate review.[72]However, the standard for commitment of a criminal defendant only required the State to show that Jackson was incompetent to stand trial.[73] Also, the State applied a more stringent standard for release for those committed as criminal defendants than those committed for mental illness.[74] Under the civil commitment statute, a person committed for mental health reasons could be released as soon as the head of the commitment facility believed that their condition no longer justified commitment.[75] A criminal defendant who had been committed, however, could only be released from his commitment after a “substantial change for the better in his condition.”[76]

In Jackson’s case, the standard for release was especially stringent, considering experts had testified that he was likely unable to ever regain competence.[77] The Court upheld Jackson’s equal protection challenge, finding that that the leniency in the standard for commitment of criminal defendants and the stringency of the standard for release of committed criminal defendants deprived Jackson of equal protection of the laws.[78]

Further, Jackson contended that his right to due process of the law was violated by his indefinite commitment on the sole account of his incapacity to stand trial.[79] By recognizing that Jackson’s competence was unlikely to be restored, but still committing him until he regained sanity, the district court’s commitment was a life sentence.[80] The Court agreed with Jackson, holding that a criminal defendant may only be held a length of time reasonable to determine his competence and the likelihood of restoration of competence.[81] If competence is deemed unlikely to be restored, the state must either drop the charges against the defendant or commit him under the state’s civil commitment procedures.[82] If the defendant’s competence is deemed likely to be restored, his commitment must be beneficial in advancing his competence.[83] Thus, if the defendant is not progressing or not able to progress toward competence, his remaining in state criminal custody is improper.[84]

A more recent attack on modern competence restoration schemes turns on a defendant’s deprivation of protections afforded by the Americans with Disabilities Act.[85] In Olmstead v. L.C., the Supreme Court held that Title II of the ADA prohibits discrimination on the basis of disability[86]and requires States to allow individuals with mental disabilities to be treated in community-based programs if a State treatment professional has deemed community placement appropriate, the transfer is unopposed by the individual, and the placement can be reasonably accommodated by the State.[87]

In adopting jail-based competency restoration programs,[88] several states have begun placing IST defendants in jail, regardless of the seriousness of their alleged crime or the danger they pose to themselves or others.[89] Because many of these defendants would benefit from treatment in an integrated, community-based setting due to their mental disability, their assignment to jail-based competency restoration programs constitutes discrimination on the basis of disability.[90] Broadly placing IST defendants into jail-based competency restoration programs neglects the ADA’s mandate for the least restrictive treatment setting necessary, and states that continue to disregard this requirement risk being found in violation of the ADA, regardless of intent.[91]

 

IV.            Case Study: Texas

 

In 2007, Advocacy, Inc., on behalf of a group of defendants deemed incompetent to stand trial, filed suit against the Texas Department of State Health Services, arguing that the defendants’ due process rights were violated by the State’s policy of holding IST defendants in jail, without treatment, until psychiatric treatment facility beds became available.[92] Obtaining a bed in such a facility often took six months or longer.[93] After the aforementioned case was decided on jurisdictional grounds, a Texas state court considered the issue and ordered that IST defendants be given a bed within 21 days from the day he receives notice of his commitment. [94]  

However, in 2014, the Texas Court of Appeals overturned this decision[95] and IST defendants were once again forced to remain in jail for months before placement in psychiatric treatment facilities.[96] Texas lawmakers’ solution to this dilemma was the creation of jail-based competency restoration programs.[97] In response, Texas lawmakers began to consider an alternative option for competency restoration in IST defendants—jail-based competency restoration programs.[98]

During the 2013 Texas legislative session, legislators passed a bill that utilized state funds to create jail-based competency restoration pilot programs,[99] but the program was never implemented due to lack of personnel.[100] Funding for the program was renewed in 2015, but implementation was further delayed by the “lack of a strong competitive pool” of bids for the contract for jail-based competency restoration services.[101] In 2016, the Texas Judicial Council created a Mental Health Committee to explore the effectiveness and cost of various measures to determine the “best practices” of civil and criminal justice for those with mental illness, including IST defendants.[102] The committee’s findings included a recommendation that current state law be changed to allow for alternative competency restoration settings, including jail-based programs.[103] In 2017, the Texas legislature approved an appropriation for a pilot program for a third time.[104] In addition to the appropriation, but without performing a pilot, lawmakers passed S.B. No. 1326, allowing for the use of jail-based competency restoration programs as an alternative to outpatient competency restoration programs or inpatient hospital competency programs.[105]

The Texas Health and Human Services Commission awarded $1.9 million of the 2017 appropriation to four Texas jail-based competency restoration programs.[106] The services the programs provided included multidisciplinary treatment, cognitive behavioral therapy, coordination of general healthcare, competency restoration education, and interviewing .[107] During 2019, these programs served 346 patient-defendants and restored competency to over 30% of those patient-defendants.[108] Of those whose competence was not restored, some were sent to state hospitals and others had their charges dropped and were released.[109] Upon review, a representative of the pilot program at Lubbock considered the programs successful and was pleased with the program’s progress.[110]

The Texas legislation allowing for jail-based competency restoration would be toothless were it not for another law passed in the 2007 legislative session: Article 46B.0095.[111] This statute includes a provision allowing an IST defendant to be committed to a mental hospital, inpatient competency restoration program, or jail-based competency restoration program for a period of time up to the length of the maximum term for the offense of which the defendant is accused.[112] If the court has found that a defendant’s competence is unlikely to be restored, this provision allows for a de facto finding of guilt—a maximum sentence for a crime for which the defendant has neither been tried nor found guilty. In essence, this is a sentence punishing the crime of incompetence. 

By imposing the sentencing term from the patient-defendant’s accused crime, the Texas legislature has circumvented the Court’s decision in Jackson v. Indiana that held that the indefinite commitment of an IST defendant is a violation of due process.[113] However, the Texas statute creates a constitutional issue by affording a de facto sentence to a defendant who has neither been tried nor found guilty.[114] This violation of procedural due process is particularly offensive because it preys upon defendants who do not have the practical capacity to question the statute’s constitutionality. 

To date, only one case has addressed Texas’s practice of applying statutory sentences to civil commitments. In Reinke v. State, Mr. Reinke, a defendant declared by the court to be incompetent to stand trial, was committed to a mental health facility.[115] On appeal, Mr. Reinke challenged the lower court’s use of punishment enhancements to increase his commitment from 20 years (the statutory maximum for attempted murder, the crime of which he was accused), to 99 years.[116] The court held that the use of enhancements was improper, and that the authorizing statute’s language[117]did not provide for the use of sentence enhancements.[118] The court remanded the case to the district court for readjustment of Mr. Reinke’s commitment to 20 years.[119]

At present, six states allow courts to involuntarily commit IST defendants for the maximum sentence for the crime of which they are accused.[120] Other states employ varying standards, including commitment for the “two-thirds of the authorized maximum term of imprisonment for the highest class felony charged”[121] and “three years” except when charged with murder.[122]

 

V.             An Urgent Need for Change

 

The problem with Kentucky’s law regarding incompetence is highlighted in the case of Cane Madden. In August  2019, a Louisville, Kentucky court found Madden incompetent to stand trial for a charge of burglary from May 2019, and he was involuntarily committed to Central State Hospital.[123] But because administrators at Central State deemed Madden to be unresponsive to treatment,[124] he was released less than 24 hours later.[125] In August 2019, an eight-year-old girl in Louisville was hit in the head with a shovel, fracturing her skull, and raped.[126] Madden was seen in the area before and after the assault, and he was arrested by Louisville police during the early hours of the morning.[127] Madden revealed to officers explicit details of the assault and rape.[128]

When Madden appeared in court, his attorney requested that the charges against him be dropped, citing a past criminal matter against Madden were charges dropped due to incompetence.[129] Judge O’Connell denied the motion and scheduled a hearing, allowing the Kentucky legislature the opportunity to amend the statutory provisions governing IST defendants with no substantial likelihood of regaining competence.[130]

Madden’s case has garnered national attention,[131] and Kentucky legislators encountered outrage from the community, including a petition with over 11,000 signatures demanding that Madden not be released.[132] On February 20, 2020, Senator Morgan McGarvey, a Democrat from Kentucky’s 19th District, filed Senate Bill 188.[133] The bill, co-sponsored by Senator Julie Raque Adams (a Republican from Kentucky’s 36thDistrict) and Senator Denise Harper Angel (a Democrat from Kentucky’s 35th district),[134] would enable certain violent criminal IST defendants, with no substantial probability of attaining competency, to be placed on judicial commitment.[135] Under this form of commitment, a judge appoints a guardian ad litem to the defendant who is then tasked with advising and representing the defendant at all legal proceedings.[136]

Although Senate Bill 188 proposed solutions, it also introduced a myriad of constitutional, procedural, and logistical problems. The first problem encountered is with the appointment of a guardian ad litem to an IST defendant.[137] The use of a guardian ad litem in representing a criminal defendant is unprecedented in the United States. To appoint a guardian ad litem to a criminal defendant is to acknowledge his incompetence, and such an acknowledgement mandates that the criminal proceedings be halted until competence is regained.[138] Regardless of the advocacy a guardian ad litem might provide, the defendant still does not have the ability to understand the proceedings against him, and that is the crux of his substantive due process rights.[139] The ability of a defendant to participate in his defense is crucial.[140] The appointment of a guardian ad litem simply does not comport with the spirit or letter of the law requiring a court to halt proceedings against an incompetent defendant.

Further, Senate Bill 188 called for the application of a “clear and convincing evidence” standard of proof in the competency hearing the bill prescribes.[141] Under current Kentucky law, the standard of proof at a competency hearing is the same as that for all evidentiary hearings.[142] This standard is in compliance with Supreme Court precedent, which clearly prohibits a state from requiring a defendant’s incompetence to be proven by a “clear and convincing evidence” standard, because it would allow a state to try a defendant who is more likely incompetent than competent, a clear violation of due process.[143] For this reason, if enacted, S.B. 188 would be susceptible to constitutional challenges on the standard of proof it seeks to impose.

Lastly, Senate Bill 188 implicitly authorized indefinite commitment of IST defendants.[144] After a defendant has been committed, he must undergo periodic review hearings to reassess competency.[145] During the first year of commitment, the defendant’s competence shall be reviewed every three months; during the second year of commitment, the defendant’s competence shall be reviewed every six months; and during subsequent years, the defendant’s competence shall be reviewed annually.[146] In fewer words, the proposed bill authorized the commitment of an IST defendant until the end of his life or until he regains competence, whichever happens sooner.[147] This indefinite commitment is in clear defiance of the Court’s holding that such commitments resulting from incompetence to stand trial are in violation of the Fourteenth Amendment’s guarantee of due process.[148]

Before Senate Bill 188 could be approved by the Senate Health, Welfare, and Family Services Committee, COVID-19 eclipsed the state’s legislative agenda.[149] The bill never reached the Senate floor for a vote.[150]

VI.            Closing the Loophole in Kentucky

 Community members, prosecutors, victims’ advocates, judges, and public defenders have all voiced opinions on how Kentucky’s laws might be amended in order to prevent situations like Madden’s from occurring. The suggestions carry varying levels of applicability, relevance, and constitutionality and are individually considered here.

Wendy Morris, Commissioner of the Kentucky Department for Behavioral Health, recently suggested that creation of more mental health courts could prevent exploitation of this loophole in Kentucky’s competency laws.[151] However, the jurisdiction of Kentucky’s mental health courts will require significant expansion. At present, none of Kentucky’s mental health courts accept defendants charged with violent felonies or sexual offenses.[152] Further, most mental health courts across the country do not provide services to IST defendants because involvement in such courts is supposed to be voluntary and participatory.[153] For these reasons, the institution of more mental health courts in Kentucky is unlikely to create a meaningful impact on the loophole at hand.

Another proposed solution is to add a provision to Kentucky’s statutes that allows for the involuntary commitment of an incompetent criminal defendant for a length of time up to the maximum statutory sentence for the crime of which he is accused.[154] This strategy is employed by a few other states and has weathered challenges thus far.[155] However, the implementation of such legislation is likely to be unpopular among mental health advocates who find this form of sentencing without trial or verdict to be an alarming threat to the constitutional rights afforded to criminal defendants.

Instead of committing IST defendants under KRS 202A.026 or KRS 202B.040, the legislature could create a third provision exclusively for criminal commitment. To pass such a law would, in effect, be to revive the age of the asylum, as these indefinitely committed criminals would require housing in forensic psychiatry facilities. If such a provision were to contain similar criteria to that of KRS 202A.026 and KRS 202B.040, the statute could experience challenges on the grounds of imposing unnecessary restraint on defendants and on the grounds of the Jackson v. Indiana ruling prohibiting indefinite commitment.[156]

If the criminal commitment statute created varied from those criteria set out in KRS 202A.026 and KRS 202B.040, however, the statute could be challenged for violation of the Equal Protection Clause. Equal Protection Clause violations like the one the court found in Jackson v. Indianacould be avoided by placing the same standards for commitment and release on criminal defendants that KRS 202A.026 and KRS 202B.040 place on those undergoing civil commitment and release proceedings.[157]

Kentucky is one of only three states which require in statute that a patient be likely to benefit from treatment in order to remain involuntarily committed in an inpatient facility.[158] If Kentucky were to change this requirement from mandatory criteria to permissive criteria, the problem of mental health administrators releasing dangerous, IST defendants with no substantial likelihood of restoration would likely be avoided. The statutory language “benefit from treatment” harkens back to the earliest days of involuntary commitment when such benefit comprised the sole criterion for commitment.[159] However, as Kentucky’s statutory scheme for commitments have undergone numerous revisions,[160] and include other criteria in step with the commitment statutes of most other states,[161] there is no longer a need for such an ambiguous nicety. The statutory provisions already in place, regarding the least restrictive care setting possible, and regarding a defendant’s threat of danger to self or others provide sufficient safeguards for the humane treatment of involuntarily committed psychiatric patients.

 

VII.          Conclusion: Rethinking Commitment Standards

 

The eyes of Kentuckians are upon the legislature as it attempts to both close this loophole in Kentucky’s law and determine the disposition of Cane Madden’s pending criminal charges. The implications of Kentucky’s action regarding incompetency will extend far beyond the case at hand, despite the limited impact the state’s legislature anticipates. Fiscal impacts aside, the legislation Kentucky enacts will reflect the esteem with which it regards public safety, accountability, and due process. 

Among the solutions offered here, the most feasible, wholistic option is the removal of “who can reasonably benefit from treatment” from the commitment criteria under KRS 202A and 202B. Under such circumstances, a defendant like Cane Madden could be civilly committed on the criteria that he is a danger to himself or others, and that such commitment is the least restrictive form of treatment available. Such commitment would end, then, not when the defendant achieved competence, but when he no longer posed a danger to himself or others. Although the United States Supreme Court has struck down statutes authorizing indefinite commitment for the reason of incompetence alone,[162] the Court has found that proof of dangerousness, in combination with incompetence, is sufficient grounds for the commitment of civil defendants.[163]

No Kentucky case law gives significant meaning to the phrase “can reasonably benefit from treatment.” The phrase is a remnant of the intake procedure of 17th century insane asylums, and has regularly been embedded within Kentucky’s commitment statutes. There is little risk to removing this criterion, but there is great protection to be gained from it. Without it, administrators of forensic psychiatry facilities must justify the release of IST defendants on either the grounds that they are no longer dangerous, or there is a less restrictive mode of treatment available to the defendant.[164]

This solution is most feasible because it does not require the creation of a new system of courts, it does not require the addition of a new classification of commitment, and it does not face inevitable constitutional challenge. It does, however, preserve the rights of IST criminal defendants and limit the court’s ability to commit them indefinitely for non-violent offenses. With the disposition of Cane Madden’s case hanging in the balance, it is essential that Kentucky lawmakers choose a course of statutory action that maximizes protection of the public and preservation of constitutional rights—and in this circumstance, the simplest solution just might be the best one. Deleting this element of commitment criteria could be the simplest, least-expensive, most popular criminal procedural reform in Kentucky’s history.


[1] J.D. Candidate, The University of Kentucky J. David Rosenberg College of Law (2021); B.S. in Community Communications and Leadership Development, University of Kentucky.

[2] Ky. R. Crim. P. 8.06 (West 2020).

[3] Id.

[4] Ky. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 504.100(1) (West 2020).

[5] Ky. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 504.100(3) (West 2020).

[6] Ky. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 504.090 (West 2019).

[7] See Jennifer Piel, Michael J. Finkle, Megan Giske, & Gregory B. Leong, Determining a Criminal Defendant’s Competency to Proceed With an Extradition Hearing, 43 J. Am. Acad. Psychiatry Law 201, 202 (2015).

[8] Ky. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 504.100(2) (West 2020).

[9] Ky. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 504.110(1) (West 2020).

[10] Ky. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 504.110(3) (West 2020).

[11] Ky. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 504.110(2) (West 2020).

[12] Ky. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 202A.026 (West 2020).

[13] Ky. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 202B.040 (West 2020).

[14] Id.; Ky. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 202A.026 (West 2020).

[15] See Ky. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 202A.026 (West 2020); Ky. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 202B.040 (West 2020).

[16] See generally Jason Riley & Chad Mills, Attorney Asks Judge to Dismiss Cane Madden’s Child Rape Case, WDRB.com (Oct. 18, 2019), https://www.wdrb.com/in-depth/attorney-asks-judge-to-dismiss-cane-madden-s-child-rape/article_0d3d533c-f1da-11e9-8ef6-b7ec86cdb9bb.html [https://perma.cc/9SGY-NQAS] (describing the loophole in Kentucky’s involuntary hospitalization statutes).

[17] See generally Matters of Josiah Oakes, 8 Law Rep. 123 (Mass. 1845) (holding that criminally insane defendants can be involuntary hospitalized if they are deemed a danger to themselves or others).

[18] Id. at 123.

[19] Id.

[20] See Frederic Garver, The Subvention in the State Finances of Pennsylvania 229 (1919).

[21] Early Psychiatric Hospitals & Asylums, U.S. Nat’l Libr. of Med., https://www.nlm.nih.gov/hmd/diseases/early.html [https://perma.cc/T54N-6KZE].

[22] The History of Eastern State, Virginia.gov, http://www.esh.dbhds.virginia.gov/History.html [https://perma.cc/WJK8-AXX5].

[23] Maureen Dabbagh, Parental Kidnapping in America: An Historical and Cultural Analysis 36 (2012). 

[24] Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Admin., Civil Commitment and the Mental Health Care Continuum: Historical Trends and Principles for Law and Practice 3 (2019), available at 

https://www.samhsa.gov/sites/default/files/civil-commitment-continuum-of-care_041919_508.pdf [https://perma.cc/GYG3-W8NN].

[25] Id.

[26] Id.

[27] See id. (“Following a series of celebrated cases in the late 1800’s alleging wrongful commitment, procedures for commitment (but not legal criteria) were tightened.”).

[28] See Douglas R. Morris & Nathaniel J. DeYoung, Long-Term Competence Restoration, 42 J. Am. Acad. Psychiatry L. 81 (2014).

[29] 18 U.S.C. § 4244 (2020); 18 U.S.C. § 4241 (2020); 18 U.S.C. § 4246 (2020).

[30] Dusky v. United States, 362 U.S. 402, 402 (1960). 

[31] Id.

[32] Drope v. Missouri, 420 U.S. 162, 171 (1975).

[33] Michelle R. Smith, Kennedy’s Vision for Mental Health Never Realized, Associated Press (Oct. 20, 2013), https://apnews.com/4423a7a8da484b7fb0cb29dfdd1ddb96 [https://perma.cc/SWW5-G8WZ]. However, Kennedy is not all to blame. See Samantha Raphelson, How the Loss of U.S. Psychiatric Hospitals Led to a Mental Health Crisis, NPR (Nov. 30, 2017, 1:15AM), https://www.npr.org/2017/11/30/567477160/how-the-loss-of-u-s-psychiatric-hospitals-led-to-a-mental-health-crisis [https://perma.cc/XC28-FUP5] (explaining that a provision in Medicaid prevents the program from covering long-term care in state institutions).

[34] Smith, supra note 33.

[35] Id.

[36] Ted Lutterman, Robert Shaw, William Fisher & Ronald Manderscheid, Trend in Psychiatric Inpatient Capacity, United States and Each State, 1970 to 2014 29 (2017).

[37] Megan Testa & Sara G. West, Civil Commitment in the United States, 7 Psychiatry 30, 33 (2010).

[38] Steven Raphael & Michael A. Stoll, Assessing the Contribution of the Deinstitutionalization of the Mentally Ill to Growth in the U.S. Incarceration Rate, 42 J. Legal Stud.187, 189, 219 (2013).

[39] Id. at 190.

[40] Smith, supra note 33.

[41] Pate v. Robinson, 383 U.S. 375, 385 (1966).

[42] Ky. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 504.100 (West 2020).

[43] See Ky. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 504.090 (West 2020) (stating that incompetent defendants cannot stand trial but does not define what it means to be incompetent).

[44] See Ky. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 504.110 (West 2019) (listing the procedure for judicial determinations of incompetence)

[45] United States v. Nichelson, 550 F.2d 502, 504 (8th Cir. 1977).

[46] Id.

[47] Torres v. Prunty, 223 F.3d 1103, 1109 (9th Cir. 2000).

[48] Tiller v. Esposito, 911 F.2d 575, 577 (11th Cir. 1990).

[49] Cowley v. Stricklin, 929 F.2d 640, 641 (11th Cir. 1991).

[50] Wolf v. United States, 430 F.2d 443, 445 (10th Cir. 1970).

[51] Barry W. Wall et. al., AAPL Practice Resource for the Forensic Psychiatric Evaluation of Competence to Stand Trial, 46 J. Am. Acad. Psychiatric L. S1, S30 (2018).

[52] Randy K. Otto, Competency to Stand Trial, 2 Applied Psych. Crim. Just. 82, 84 (2006) (“Competence is ultimately a legal issue that is to be decided by the legal decision maker.”).

[53] David Collins, Re-Evaluating Competence to Stand Trial, 82 L. & Contemp. Probs. 157, 176 (2019).

[54] W. Neil Gowensmith, Daniel C. Murrie & Marcus T. Boccaccini., Field Reliability of Competence to Stand Trial Opinions: How Often Do Evaluators Agree, and What Do Judges Decide When Evaluators Disagree?, 36 L. & Hum. Behav. 130, 135 (2012).

[55] Grant H. Morris & J. Reid Meloy, Out of Mind? Out of Sight: The Uncivil Commitment of Permanently Incompetent Criminal Defendants, 27 U.C. Davis L. Rev. 1, 10 (1993).

[56] Tex. Code Crim. Proc. Ann. art. 46B.079 (West 2020).

[57] Compare Ky. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 504.100 (West 2020) (discussing the appointment of mental health experts to determine defendant competency), with Ky. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 202B.040 (West 2020) (listing the criteria for a intellectually disabled defendant to be involuntarily committed), and Ky. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 202A.026 (West 2020) (listing the criteria for a mentally ill defendant to be involuntarily committed).

[58] Ky. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 202A.026 (West 2020); Ky. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 202B.040 (West 2020).

[59] Ky. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 504.110 (West 2020).

[60] Ky. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 202A.026 (West 2020) (defendant must “reasonably benefit” from treatment to be legally hospitalized involuntarily); accord Ky. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 202B.040 (West 2020).

[61] Pate v. Robinson, 383 U.S. 375, 378 (1966); see also United States v. Gonzalez-Ramirez, 561 F.3d 22, 28 (1st Cir. 2009) (“A defendant’s due process right to a fair trial includes the right not to be tried, convicted or sentenced while incompetent.”).

[62] David W. Beaudreau, Due Process or "Some Process"? Restoring Pate v. Robinson's Guarantee of Adequate Competency Procedures, 47 Cal. W. L. Rev. 369, 370–71 (2001).

[63] Id.

[64] Jackson v. Indiana, 406 U.S. 715 (1972).

[65] Id. at 717–19.

[66] Id. at 719.

[67] Id.

[68] Id. 

[69] Id.

[70] Id. at 723.

[71] Id. at 730.

[72] Id. at 727.

[73] Id.

[74] Id. at 728–29.

[75] Id. at 728.

[76] Id. at 729.

[77] Id. at 719.

[78] Id. at 730.

[79] Id. at 719.

[80] Id. 

[81] Id. at 738.

[82] Id.

[83] Id.

[84] See id.

[85] Alexandra Douglas, Caging the Incompetent: Why Jail-Based Competency Restoration Programs Violate the Americans with Disabilities Act Under Olmstead v. L.C., 32 Geo. J. Legal Ethics 525, 528 (2019).

[86] 42 U.S.C. § 12132 (2019).

[87] Olmstead v. L.C. ex rel. Zimring, 527 U.S. 581, 607 (1999)

[88] See infra Part IV.

[89] See Douglas, supra note 85.

[90] Olmstead, 527 U.S. at 597.

[91] See Samuel R. Bagenstos, The Past and Future of Deinstitutionalization Litigation, 34 Cardozo L. Rev. 1, 32 (2012).

[92] Lakey v. Taylor ex rel. Shearer, 278 S.W.3d 6, 11 (Tex. Ct. App. 2007); Brian Chasnoff & Melissa Fletcher Stoeltje, Texas 49th in Mental Health Funding, San Antonio Express-News (Nov. 1, 2010), https://www.mysanantonio.com/news/local_news/article/Texas-49th-in-mental-health-funding-780070.php [https://perma.cc/29SW-UZRZ].

[93] Lakey, 278 S.W.3d at 12.

[94]  Lakey v. Taylor, 435 S.W.3d 309, 316 (Tex. Ct. App. 2014).

[95] Brian D. Shannon, Competency, Ethics, and Morality, 49 Tex. Tech. L. Rev. 861, 872 (2017).

[96] Keri Blakinger, Lack of Beds for Inmates Needing Mental Health Help, Houston Chron. (Oct. 10, 2017), https://www.houstonchronicle.com/news/article/Lack-of-beds-for-inmates-needing-mental-health-12268349.php [https://perma.cc/Z5T7-GFRC].

[97] Hogg Found. for Mental Health, Texas 83rd Legislative Session: Summary of Mental-Health Related Legislation 1, 10 (2013).

[98] Brandi Grissom, Proposal: Allow Private Firms to Provide Mental Health Services in Jails, Tex. Trib. (Apr. 9, 2013), http://www.texastribune.org/2013/04/09/proposal-allow-private-mental-health-services-jail/ [https://perma.cc/2LY9-Q5DB].

[99] Act of Sept. 1, 2013, ch. 797, § 2, 2013 Tex. Sess. Law Serv. 1, 1–2 (West) (codified as Tex. Code Crim. Proc. Ann. art. 46B.090)

[100] Amanda Wik, Alternatives to Inpatient Competency Restoration Programs: Jail-Based Competency Restoration Programs 1, 7 (2018).

[101] Health & Hum. Services Comm’n, Report on the Jail-Based Competency Restoration Pilot Program 1, 5 (2017).

[102] Tex. Jud. Council, Mental Health Committee Reports & Recommendations 1, 7 (2016).

[103] Id. at 6. 

[104] Act of Sept. 1, 2017, ch. 748, § 29, 2017 Tex. Sess. Law Serv. 1, 33–36 (West) (codified as amended at Tex. Code Crim. Proc. Ann. art. 46B.090).

[105] Act of Sept. 1, 2017, ch. 748, § 14, 2017 Tex. Sess. Law Serv. 1, 17–19 (West) (codified as amended at Tex. Code Crim. Proc. Ann. art. 46B.073).

[106] LaQuinta Swan & Lucrece Pierre-Carr, Texas Competency Restoration: Outpatient and Jail-Base 1, 13 (2019).

[107] Id. at 14.

[108] See id. at 15.

[109] Id. at 9.

[110] Tex. Jud. Comm’n on Mental Health, Meeting Notebook 1, 19 (2019).

[111] Tex. Code Crim. Proc. Ann. art. 46B.0095 (West 2017) (previously codified as Tex. Code. Crim. Proc. Ann. art. 46B.009). 

[112] Id.

[113] Jackson v. Indiana, 406 U.S. 715, 731 (1972) (“[W]e . . . hold that Indiana’s indefinite commitment of a criminal defendant solely on account of his incompetency to stand trial does not square with the Fourteenth Amendment’s guarantee of due process.”).

[114] See art. 46B.0095. 

[115] Reinke v. State, 348 S.W.3d 373, 375 (Tex. Ct. App. 2011).

[116] Id.

[117] Tex. Code. Crim. Proc. Ann. art. 46B.0095 (West 2020).

[118] Reinke, 348 S.W.3d at 381 (interpreting Tex. Code. Crim. Proc. Ann. art. 46B.0095 (West 2020)).

[119] Id. (failing to show any indication that Mr. Reinke’s attorney raised the issue that the commitment itself may be a violation of Mr. Reinke’s procedural due process rights: an issue of constitutionality that Texas courts have not yet been faced with respect to this statutory scheme).

[120] La. Code Crim. Proc. Ann. art. 648 (2017); N.D. Cent. Code Ann. § 12.1-04-08 (West 2013); S.C. Code Ann. § 44-23-460 (2011); S.D. Codified Laws § 23A-10A-15 (2020); Tex. Code Crim. Proc. Ann. art. 46B.0095 (West 2017); Utah Code Ann. § 77-15-6 (West 2018).

[121] N.Y. Crim. Proc. Law § 730.50 (McKinney 2013).

[122] Minn. Stat. Ann. § 20.01 (West 2020) (not specifying the time frame for commitment for a defendant accused of murder). Courts have generally upheld these qualified statutory commitments, with the exception of a Massachusetts statute that was held in violation of due process when it authorized commitment for the maximum time of imprisonment that person would serve before becoming eligible for parole for their most serious charge. Sharris v. Commonwealth, 106 N.E.3d 661 (Mass. 2018). Because the Massachusetts statutory scheme denies parole eligibility to those serving a life sentence for first degree murder, the Massachusetts Supreme Court held that the application of this statutory commitment to an IST defendant accused of first-degree murder amounted to an indefinite commitment and a violation of substantive due process. Id. at 664; see Mass. Gen. Laws Ann. ch. 123, § 16 (West 2015); see also Mass. Gen. Laws. Ann. ch. 265, § 2 (West 2014).

[123] Jason Riley & Chad Mills, ‘Every Prosecutor’s Nightmare’: Sex Assaults Highlight ‘Crazy Loophole’ Freeing Mentally Ill Defendants, WDRB.com (Aug. 25, 2019), https://www.wdrb.com/in-depth/sunday-edition-sex-assaults-highlight-crazy-loophole-freeing-mentally-ill/article_a4a498f2-c5bb-11e9-9284-ffe7e1349599.html [https://perma.cc/5KVF-GENR].

[124] See id.

[125] Id.

[126] Billy Kobin, Louisville Man Fractured 8-Year-Old’s Skull With a Shovel and Raped Her, Police Say, Courier Journal (Aug. 12, 2019, 4:34 PM), https://www.courier-journal.com/story/news/crime/2019/08/10/louisville-police-man-cane-madden-raped-8-year-old-fractured-her-skull-shovel/1975531001/ [https://perma.cc/DS2S-9HT6].

[127] Id.

[128] Id.

[129] Deni Kamper, Man Accused of Raping 8-Year-Old is Example of Crack in System, Lawmaker Says, WLKY.com (Oct. 25, 2019, 5:09 PM), https://www.wlky.com/article/man-accused-of-raping-8-year-old-is-example-of-crack-in-system-lawmaker-says/29591750# [https://perma.cc/H8SZ-BHQ5].

[130] See id.

[131] John Hirschauer, Kentucky’s Insane Civil-Commitment Policy, Nat’l Rev. (Oct. 24, 2019, 9:01 PM), https://www.nationalreview.com/2019/10/kentuckys-insane-civil-commitment-policy/ [https://perma.cc/P673-ZZ5R]; Josh Saunders, Man, 29, is Arrested for Raping an 8-Year-Old Girl After First Hitting Her Over the Head with a Shovel – Two Years After He Was Let Off On Another Sex Assault Charge, DailyMail.com (Aug. 12, 2019, 9:55 PM), https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-7346203/Man-29-arrested-hitting-eight-year-old-girl-head-shovel-raping-her.html [https://perma.cc/RM7F-8E4T]; Dom Calicchio, Man Raped 8-Year-Old Girl After Hitting Her in Head with Shovel, Fracturing Her Skull: Police, Fox News (Aug. 10, 2019), https://www.foxnews.com/us/man-hit-8-year-old-girl-in-head-with-shovel-fracturing-her-skull-then-raped-her-police [https://perma.cc/GV23-6ARK].

[132] Denita Wright, California Neighborhood Residents Request the Non-Release of Cane Madden, change.org, https://www.change.org/p/senator-morgan-mcgarvey-california-neighborhood-residents-request-the-non-release-of-cane-madden [https://perma.cc/B67C-5WTS].

[133] S. B. 188, 2020 Reg. Sess. (Ky. 2020). 

[134] Senate Members by Name, KY. Gen. Assembly, https://apps.legislature.ky.gov/Legislators/smembers_alpha.html [https://perma.cc/8WS2-ZWK3]. Somewhat inexplicably, Senator Harper Angel is the only one of the bill’s sponsors whose district includes the location of Madden’s last alleged attack.

[135] Ky. S.B. 188. 

[136] Id.

[137] Id.

[138] See Pate v. Robinson, 383 U.S. 375, 378 (1966) (“[T]he conviction of an accused person while he is legally incompetent violates due process . . . .”).

[139] See Dusky v. United States, 362 U.S. 402, 402 (1960) (holding that test of competency is whether a defendant has reasonable ability to consult with his lawyer and reasonably comprehends the legal proceedings against him).

[140] See Drope v. Missouri, 420 U.S. 162, 172 (1975) (“[A] person whose mental condition is such that he lacks the capacity to . . . assist in preparing his defense may not be subjected to trial.”).

[141] Ky. S.B. 188.

[142] Chapman v. Commonwealth, 265 S.W.3d 156, 174 (Ky. 2007).

[143] Cooper v. Oklahoma, 517 U.S. 348, 369–70 (1996).

[144] See Ky. S.B. 188.

[145] Id.

[146] Id.

[147] Id.

[148] Jackson v. Indiana, 406 U.S. 715, 732 (1972).

[149] Jack Brammer & Daniel Desrochers, Beshear Gives Lawmakers 2 Options Amid Controversy Over Legislature Continuing to Meet, Herald Leader (Mar. 17, 2020, 8:25 PM), https://www.kentucky.com/news/coronavirus/article241261676.html.

[150] See Mills & Riley, supra note 123.

[151] Id.

[152] See Adult Mental Health Treatment Court Locator, Substance Abuse & Mental Health Services Admin., https://www.samhsa.gov/gains-center/mental-health-treatment-court-locator/adults?field_gains_mhc_state_value=KY [https://perma.cc/TKD7-EXVA].

[153] Michael Thompson, Fred Osher & Denise Tomasini-Joshi, Improving Responses to People with Mental Illnesses: The Essential Elements of a Mental Health Court 1, 5 (2007); Shelli B. Rossman et al., Criminal Justice Interventions for Offenders with Mental Illness: Evaluation of Mental Health Courts in Bronx and Brooklyn, New York 1, 45 (2012).

[154] See Tex. Code. Crim. Proc. Ann. art. 46B.0095 (West 2019).

[155] La. Code Crim. Proc. Ann. art. 648 (2017); N.D. Cent. Code Ann. § 12.1-04-08 (West 2013); S.C. Code Ann. Regs. § 44-23-460 (2011); Tex. Code. Crim. Proc. Ann. art. 46B.0095 (West 2017); Utah Code Ann. § 77-15-6 (West 2020); Wash. Rev. Code Ann. § 10.77.025 (West 2018).

[156] Jackson v. Indiana, 406 U.S. 715, 738 (1972).

[157] Id. at 727.

[158] Treatment Advoc. Ctr., State Standards Charts for Assisted Treatment Civil Commitment Criteria and Initiation Procedure 1, 4–11 (2011).

[159] Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Admin., supra note 24.

[160] See Ky. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 202.012 (West 2020) (repealed 1976); Ky. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 202.027 (West 2020) (repealed 1976); Ky. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 202.060 (West 2020) (repealed 1976).

[161] Treatment Advoc. Ctr., supra note 158.

[162] See, e.g., Jackson v. Indiana, 406 U.S. 715, 731 (1972).

[163] Kansas v. Hendricks, 521 U.S. 346, 358 (1997).

[164] Ky. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 202A.026 (West 2021); Ky. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 202B.040 (West 2021).

American Moneymakers: The Future of Online Poker After PASPA

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Christian FarmerI

Introduction

Where competition and chance are found, those willing to gamble on the outcome are often present. In the 21st Century, many people have been enticed by online forms of gambling (known simply as “gaming”).2 Traditional forms of gambling, such as parimutuel horse betting, are available online, as well as new forms of gambling like Daily Fantasy Sports (DFS).[1]3 Games of chance and games of skill alike are at the fingertips of players. However, there is one particular game that is effectively banned from being played online: poker.

With the advent of the internet, online poker soon followed; the first real money game was played in 1998.[4] The online poker industry quickly boomed, highlighted by the success of its most storied figure, Chris Moneymaker.[5] In 2003, the aptly-named accountant and poker player became the first person to qualify for the gargantuan World Series of Poker tournament through an online qualifier—he would go on to win the tournament and the $2.5 million cash prize.[6] This spark led to the explosion of online poker in America and abroad.

While his unexpected victory bolstered the online poker industry, Congress made other plans when they passed the Unlawful Internet Gambling Enforcement Act of 2006 (UIGEA).[7] While the Act was not a direct ban of online poker per se, it effectively rendered the game unplayable in the United States by prohibiting financial institutions from allowing wire transfers to internet gambling sites.[8] The Act cited internet gambling as a “growing cause of debt collection problems for insured depository institutions and the consumer credit industry.”[9] However, online poker platforms continued to operate in the United States in direct defiance of the Act.[10] On April 15, 2011, deemed “Black Friday,” the industry was dealt a death blow when the Department of Justice indicted the three largest poker sites operating in the United States, causing them to leave the American market for fear of violating the UIGEA.[11] The industry crumbled in the United States.[12]

One of the most popular and illustrious forms of gambling is sports betting. Until 2018, sports betting had endured a similar ban in the United States under the Professional and Amateur Sports Protection Act (PASPA).[13] The Supreme Court’s landmark decision in Murphy v. NCAA reversed the Congressional ban on sports betting holding that PASPA is unconstitutional and giving states the authority to make sports betting legal within their borders.[14] In the years leading up to this decision, the national sentiment surrounding sports has become increasingly positive.[15] For example, in 2016, one survey found that “[o]f those who watched Super Bowl 50, 80% want to see the country’s current sports betting laws change.”[16] In the wake of this ruling, twenty states have now legalized sports betting and many other states have active legislation moving towards legalization.[17]

This Note will argue that the original concerns leading to the enactment of the UIGEA are outdated and unreasonable in light of the Supreme Court’s recent ruling in Murphy. With the defeat of PASPA, a way forward can and should be forged for legal online poker to return to its former prominence in America. Any discussion of American gambling post-Murphy will necessarily include a discussion of sports betting. Part I contains an initial overview of the UIGEA, including an analysis of case law surrounding the UIGEA. Part II will elucidate the circumstances surrounding the defeat of PASPA in Murphy and what impact that has on litigation surrounding the UIGEA. Part III will argue that legalization of online poker will bring greater government oversight and benefit players overall, as many players turned to unregulated offshore sites following Black Friday. Part IV will discuss the state of online poker today, including the benefits the game brings to the four states where online poker is currently legal. Part V will speculate on a possible path forward for states where online poker has been historically banned, utilizing Kentucky as an example. 

I.      Overview and Preliminary Refutations of the UIGEA 

Due to being outdated and unfairly restrictive of online poker, the efficacy of the UIGEA needs to be reconsidered. When PASPA was still valid, it imposed a nationwide ban on sports betting.[18] Conversely, the UIGEA does not alter, limit, or extend any Federal or State law “prohibiting, permitting, or regulating gambling within the United States.”[19] Instead, the Act prohibits those “engaged in the business of betting or wagering” from knowingly accepting funds of any kind “in connection with the participation of another person in unlawful internet gambling.”[20] Unlawful Internet gambling is defined as placing, receiving, or knowingly transmitting “a bet or wager by any means which involves the use . . . of the Internet where such a bet or wager is unlawful under any applicable Federal or State law” where “the bet or wager is . . . made.”[21] This definition would later be subject to multiple interpretations by the DOJ; more on that later.[22]

The UIGEA describes a “bet or wager” in part as “the staking or risking by any person of something of value upon the outcome of a contest of others, a sporting event, or a game subject to chance.”[23] The Act notably carves out exceptions for other gambling venues such as horse racing, intratribal gaming, securities exchanges, and fantasy sports.[24] It is important to reiterate that the Act does not explicitly ban online poker, but rather, it effectively bans players in the United States from depositing funds to these sites through financial institutions.[25]

While PASPA was inherently unconstitutional, the UIGEA is not. In Murphy v. NCAA, PASPA was deemed to have violated foundational principles of federalism and dual sovereignty, holding that the Act “‘regulate[s] state governments’ regulation’ of their citizens.”[26] However, the UIGEA notably does not regulate state governments’ regulation of their citizens; it does not alter or limit any existing Federal or State regulation on gambling.[27] The language within the Act is not inherently unconstitutional. But, the absence of certain words or phrases reveals important information about the UIGEA.

While the word “poker” or the phrase “online poker” is never explicitly mentioned in the Act, courts have largely considered poker as a “game subject to chance.”[28] In an overwhelming display of failure, the Act itself does not include any language aiding courts in the determination of whether a particular game should fall under the designation of being “subject to chance.”[29] Following the enactment of the statute, state courts were quickly faced with the question of determining whether games are subject to chance or not. Judges employed various tests aimed at solving this problem, one of the most oft utilized being the predominate-factor test.[30]

In Joker Club, a North Carolina Court of Appeals case, the court elucidates the predominate-factor test.[31] The court noted that “while all games have elements of chance, games which can be determined by superior skill are not games of chance.”[32] The court compares poker to games such as bowling and billiards, highlighting that “the instrumentality for victory is in each player’s hands and his fortunes will be determined by how skillfully he use[s] that instrumentality.”[33] In this court’s view, poker does not provide players with the instrumentalities needed for victory; chance takes this out of the player’s hands.[34] Further, the court reasoned that while a skilled player may have a statistical advantage, they are always subject to a turn of a card, which is an instrumentality beyond their control.[35] In Dent, the Superior Court of Pennsylvania, relied on Joker Club in their terse discussion of chance and skill, ultimately grafting Joker Club’s exact reasoning onto the facts of their case without much further consideration.[36]The ambiguity inherent in the UIGEA left trial courts with the burden of making important determinations on whether poker fell under the language of the statute or not.

Poker players who are more skilled and knowledgeable can certainly increase their chance of winning over less-skilled players by studying odds, playing stronger hands, and making quick determinations with the limited information available on the table at any given time.[37] However, courts have maintained that the game itself is ultimately predicated on chance.[38] This is likely due to an overall unfamiliarity with the mechanics of the game coupled with ambiguous statutory language. Because poker has historically been understood as a game which is “subject to chance,” it falls under the purview of the UIGEA. However, there is a strong argument to be made that any game may be interpreted as a game “subject to chance.” 

To begin, the phrase “subject to chance” is subject to many competing interpretations. It can be construed either quite liberally or quite narrowly. It is difficult for one to imagine a game which does not include some element which happens to be “subject to chance.” The strike of a golf ball, no matter how perfect, is subject to the chance that a gust of wind will cause the ball to miss its target ever so slightly.[39] Is the wind an instrumentality which is essential to the game of golf, yet “beyond the player’s control?” Clearly. Golf, like poker, is a game subject to chance. Under the reasoning of Joker Club, golf should also be considered a game of chance, not skill. This example highlights the shortcomings of the outdated and unclear statutory language employed in the UIGEA’s construction. 

The UIGEA’s prohibition on games “subject to chance” makes even less sense when posed with a list of legal, regulated games which are also “subject to chance.” For example, parimutuel horse betting, DFS, and most recently, sports betting, are all games which are able to be legalized and regulated by states if they so choose.[40] Employing the predominate-factor test leads to the realization that all three of these are subject to more chance than skill; the instrumentalities essential to these games are all out of the player’s control. The results of sports matches are wholly determined by the players in the particular game, not any bet placed on the contest. The accuracy of LeBron James’ jump shot is dependent on LeBron James, not a person sitting on their couch watching the game and betting on whether the shot will go in. Conversely, a poker player controls whether they choose to play the hand they are dealt as well as whether they would like to bet, and if so, how much. The poker player competes against other individual agents. However, online poker remains held hostage by the UIGEA. The argument that online poker should be effectively banned because it is “subject to chance” fails.

Another criticism of the UIGEA is that it unduly restrains citizens’ pursuit of happiness.[41] The restrictions of the Act limit citizens’ ability to spend their money how they so choose. It also requires citizens to adhere to the moral code of the State—the outdated paternalistic argument that the State is protecting its citizens by restricting them from internet gambling.[42] The UIGEA contains serious statutory and conceptual flaws, which will be discussed below. 

II.     What Does PASPA’s Defeat Signal for the UIGEA?

There is hope that the UIGEA will fall subject to a similar fate as PASPA. The Supreme Court’s decision in Murphy v. NCAA was the culmination of a long battle against PASPA.[43] The citizens of New Jersey ultimately voted for an amendment to the state constitution which allowed sports gambling to be conducted within its borders.[44] Multiple lawsuits were brought by the NCAA and three major sports organizations, eventually culminating in Murphy.[45] The plaintiffs argued that New Jersey’s legislature violated PASPA’s language which prohibited states from enacting laws authorizing sports betting.[46] In the majority opinion, Justice Alito stated that PASPA violated the anti-commandeering principle by dictating what the New Jersey legislature may or may not do.[47] After holding that no provision of PASPA was severable, it was no longer the law.[48]Unfortunately, the constitutional principles leading to the Supreme Court’s abrogation of PASPA do not transpose to the UIGEA. Thus, the decision in Murphy does not provide any corollary legal precedent which can be utilized.

However, the Supreme Court’s decision reveals the defeat of the rationale which originally supported the passing of PASPA in 1992. The same rationale which supported the former ban on sports gambling undergirds the current ban on online poker. Opponents reason that both are particularly addicting, especially to young people.[49] Both bans led to significant illegal activity which flew in the face of federal legislation. Reports from 2017 (before Murphy) indicated that an estimated amount of $150 billion annually was illegally wagered on sports while PASPA was still in effect.[50]Much like the era of Prohibition on alcohol, Americans have proven that they will continue to gamble despite federal regulation attempting to change their behavior.[51] The American spirit endures.

In years past, opponents of sports gambling included representatives from all four major professional sports organizations: the NBA (National Basketball Association), MLB (Major League Baseball), NFL (National Football League), and NHL (National Hockey League).[52] Interestingly, the NFL has now turned to partnering with major sports betting and DFS sites such as DraftKings.[53] The NBA has also come to partner with sports betting operators, even amidst infamous scandals of game fixing throughout its history.[54] Former opponents have come to be proponents. The growing acceptance of sports gambling signals hope for advocates of online poker. As states pursue legislation seeking to legalize sports gambling, it will provide the perfect venue for discussing the legalization and regulation of poker. Murphy signals a turning of the tides. If states are willing to consider legalizing sports betting, which is undoubtedly “subject to chance,” they should also consider legalizing online poker—arguably a game of skill.

III.   The State of Online Poker in America Today

The online poker industry has been in a constant state of development and fluctuation since its inception. Historically, violations of the UIGEA have relied on underlying violations of the Federal Wire Act of 1961.[55] The Wire Act makes it illegal to knowingly use a wire communication facility for the placing of bets or wagers or information assisting in the placing of bets or wagers on any sporting event or contest.[56] Since its enactment, “the federal government repeatedly employed the Wire Act as a tool to prosecute individuals engaged in unlawful interstate gambling, including sports wagering and non-sports wagering.”[57] Once the internet age arrived, the government utilized the phrase “wire communication facility” to directly reach those using their computers and the internet in their transmissions.[58] Much like people use phones to contact their local bookie to place bets, people use computers to compete in online poker tournaments. The Department of Justice (DOJ) utilized the broad language of the Wire Act to gain control over the online gambling industry in the modern age.[59]

In a surprising move in 2011, the Department of Justice’s Office of Legal Counsel (OLC) released a memo regarding the Wire Act that led to major changes for online poker.[60] The OLC stated that “the Wire Act does not reach interstate transmission of wire communications that do not relate to a ‘sporting event or contest.’”[61] With these words, the DOJ seemingly lost its foothold for prosecutions unrelated to sports contests. Finally, the laws surrounding online gambling seemed clear and discernable. Relying on this newly printed memo, multiple states—Nevada, New Jersey, Delaware, and Pennsylvania—passed legislation legalizing online poker within their borders.[62]

The industry took one great stride forward, but shortly took two steps back. The OLC surprisingly reversed their 2011 opinion in a recent memo from 2018 regarding their interpretation of the Wire Act.[63] This opinion asserted that “all but one of the Wire Act’s four prohibitions go beyond sports wagering and extend to all internet gambling, including online casino games, poker, and lotteries.”[64] With the 2018 memo, states were again left in the dark on the federal legality of online poker. States that passed legislation regulating online poker have continued to operate despite the 2018 memo.[65] Unfortunately, they face the possibility that courts may adopt the DOJ’s interpretation and invalidate their legislation.[66] The relative ease with which the DOJ continues to interpret and reinterpret this provision is unsettling and may cause hesitation from states attempting to pass future legislation surrounding online gambling.

Nevertheless, a few states have moved forward in the midst of uncertainty. By 2014, three states had legalized online poker: Nevada, New Jersey, and Delaware.[67] Players located in these three states can legally play online poker through WSOP.com.[68] These states have fairly small populations: Nevada and Delaware are only the 35th and 45th most populous states respectively.[69] Therefore, to increase the overall health of the player pool, they signed an interstate agreement allowing them to consolidate the player pools.[70] This means that a poker player located in Nevada can compete online against a player in Delaware at any given time. Recently in 2017, New Jersey joined in this agreement, adding to the player population.[71] This partnership should continue to flourish as more states join the agreement.

Pennsylvania is relatively new to the online poker scene, passing legislation legalizing online gambling in 2017 in the midst of the OLC’s initial Wire Act interpretation.[72] Following a soft launch in late 2019, December brought the official launch of online poker in Pennsylvania through PokerStars.[73] The most prominent online poker site has partnered with Mount Airy Casino Resort to obtain their license to operate in Pennsylvania.[74] At this point, Pennsylvania has not joined the interstate agreement with the few other states allowing regulated online poker.[75] In the month of December alone, online poker generated $2.5 million in revenue in the state.[76] Analysts predict that the online market as a whole will continue to grow as more players move online in the years to come.[77]

As the industry matures and continues to develop, online poker will play a significant role in the ultimate success of gaming. As it stands, there are only six states with laws authorizing online poker.[78] The path to legalization looks different for many states, however there is hope that the law will catch up with the public consensus in due time. For citizens of most states, players must get creative in order to find a table to deal them in.

IV.   American Players Access Offshore Sites to

Play Online Poker Today

During Prohibition, those who desired a bit of a stronger drink than others had to come by that drink through alternative means.[79] However, the creativity and ingenuity of the American people ensured that liquor was readily available in the midst of its illegality.[80] Similarly, online poker remains under prohibitive regulation. Today, crafty online poker players must access offshore sites which are not under the purview of American regulation.[81]

There are numerous offshore sites offering online poker including Bovada and BetOnline which receive heavy traffic from American players.[82]The UIGEA failed to keep American players from simply accessing alternative websites at the click of a mouse and a few keystrokes. The overarching issue with a multiplicity of offshore sites is that players often struggle determining which ones to trust.[83] Additionally, players may use alternate means of funding their accounts, such as utilizing cryptocurrency, which is not backed by any regulated financial institution.[84] These difficulties underscore the need for further reconsideration of the UIGEA and its unintended consequences for American players.

One illustrious scandal occurred shortly after the passage of the UIGEA in 2007. A prominent site called Absolute Poker was founded in 2003 by a group of Montana fraternity brothers with no previous experience.[85] The company was moved to Costa Rica where it was able to operate without a legitimate gaming license.[86] After the exodus of established sites in America following the passage of the UIGEA, “Absolute Poker remained and became a legitimate contender in the market despite its rudimentary software.”[87] In 2007, players began noticing suspicious activity from one particular player named “Potripper” who was located in Costa Rica.[88] It was discovered that Potripper had access to every other player’s hole cards throughout the tournament through the use of a separate master account.[89] In poker, every piece of information is incredibly valuable and he had access to it all. This account would follow Potripper from table to table, revealing complete information on the cards of the other contestants.[90] The site was eventually shut down in 2011, resulting in a 100 percent loss of player funds.[91] Unfortunately, these stories are common, especially with players utilizing offshore sites. 

There is a myriad of solutions to this predicament, but some are more viable than others for the long-term success of online poker in America. It is abundantly clear that the UIGEA and the Wire Act have not worked to ban online gambling in America. One possible solution is inaction—the federal government could certainly continue allowing American players to send their money to offshore sites and incur difficulties using Bitcoin. This would avoid the problem of American financial institutions accepting funds associated with gambling. It would accomplish the letter of the law, but not accomplish the intended effect of enacting the UIGEA in the first place, which is to stop Americans from gambling online.[92] They will find a way to work around the strictures of the UIGEA. Another possible solution is for the DOJ to issue another clarifying memo regarding the Wire Act and the UIGEA. While this would provide states with a quick solution, uncertainty as to the enforcement of these provisions would yet remain. We cannot have another situation on an unregulated site such as the Potripper debacle. Realistically, there are two solutions that take precedent and are more viable over any others. 

First, the Department of Justice should repeal the UIGEA. States which have already offered regulated online poker to their citizens deserve to know their hard work will not be taken away from them at a moment’s notice by the Department of Justice’s interpretative memos. Many of the games the UIGEA sought to ban are subject to carve outs or other exceptions, which now includes sports betting.[93] It is only a matter of time before the language on online poker is chipped away as well, rendering the statute meaningless. This is one possible solution, but there is more that can be done.

Second, citizens should take action to show their state legislators that online gambling is here to stay. States should capitalize on these tax revenue streams as quickly as possible by implementing and maintaining infrastructure in order to accommodate the demand. With the defeat of PASPA, states can choose to offer sports betting.[94] Many states already allow parimutuel horse betting.[95] Daily Fantasy Sports are growing rapidly in many states.[96] Online poker should be available alongside these companions.

While there is no direct legal precedent supporting an immediate challenge of the UIGEA, there is still action to be taken. Of the two possible solutions, it would be more economically and politically efficient for the federal government to return the right to decide back to the individual states through a repeal of the UIGEA. Individual states are better suited to understand the desires of their citizens and the challenges that may come with implementation in their specific contexts. Moreover, with so many carve outs already in place for the various forms of gambling mentioned above, the UIGEA is merely a shell of what it was originally intended to accomplish. Its scope has narrowed to only effectively ban online poker and online casino games.[97] With a repeal, state legislatures would be able to act without fear that a simple DOJ interpretation may invalidate an entire piece of legislation. There must be a better environment for Americans to play online poker other than untrustworthy offshore websites often funded through backdoor cryptocurrency transactions. 

V.    An Example of a Path to Legalization: The Bluegrass State

State lawmakers must work against the broad federal laws in place if they want to pass legislation allowing online gambling—that is, a muddy interpretation of the Wire Act and confusion as to the DOJ’s enforcement of the UIGEA. The path to legalization will likely be more difficult for states which have not historically embraced online gambling and which do not have land-based casinos. Kentucky has historically embraced gambling related to horse racing.[98] Historical racing machines, which functionally operate like classic slot machines using past horse races, have been used in the Bluegrass state for nearly a decade.[99] Currently, there is a bill in progress to protect the operation of these machines after the Kentucky Supreme Court ruled that they did not fall under the Kentucky statute’s definition of pari-mutuel wagering.[100] Nevertheless, Churchill Downs offers online and mobile betting through their TwinSpires subsidiary.[101] The same enthusiasm, however, has not surrounded other forms of gambling in Kentucky.

Kentucky has notoriously been opposed to online poker for over a decade. In 2008, then-governor, Steve Beshear, attempted “to seize 141 domain names registered to online companies” in order to prevent Kentuckians from accessing the sites.[102] The Governor’s rationale included many familiar arguments, including the claim that minors had easy access to the sites and the sites took away taxes that would usually go to the state.[103]The state recently won litigation against PokerStars, though it is still seeking recovery of the $1.3 billion.[104] The case was originally brought in 2010 following the enactment of the UIGEA.[105]

Even in a state as hostile to online poker as Kentucky, there is surprisingly a chance that legalization will occur in the near future. Ironically, the current Governor, Andy Beshear, Steve Beshear’s son, is advocating for the online poker industry to come to Kentucky.[106] The revenue raised by the gambling industry will predominately be used to help fund a severely underfunded pension plan for state educators—a viable solution to an overwhelming issue in the Commonwealth.[107]

The Governor also has legislators on his side. On the first day of the 2020 session, Representative Adam Koenig introduced HB 137 which purported legalization of sports betting, DFS, and online poker.[108] Under HB 137, players who would like to bet online would have to register in person with a licensed organization—likely one of the state’s racetracks.[109] Although this bill was approved by the House, it was killed by partisan politics before it could reach the Kentucky Senate.[110] Unfortunately, in 2021, a similar bill, HB 241, failed in the Kentucky House, because of the more pressing issue of historic horse betting.[111] Koenig plans to reintroduce the bill in the 2022 session.[112] Kentucky should look to surrounding states as guides in determining tax rates that will be most beneficial to its businesses as well as its citizens. With each passing year, Kentucky loses tax revenue to Indiana, Ohio, and other surrounding states.[113]

The Commonwealth will, however, still have to contend with challenges by the federal government under the UIGEA. If the DOJ’s Criminal Division chooses to prosecute online poker operators again as in Black Friday, states would have to argue against the UIGEA and the Wire Act. This matter is complicated given the OLC’s 2018 memo.[114]  If Kentucky follows the solution offered above, however, there is greater hope that online gambling will be here to stay in the Bluegrass State for good. If the Governor and Legislature work together to bring gambling to Kentucky, it could serve as a viable solution to the pension crisis facing the state.

VI.   Conclusion

The path to legalization among states is encouraging in light of the multi-state online agreement. The foundation has been laid for states to legalize poker in their jurisdiction and then join the multi-state agreement. This would exponentially increase the player pools across the states, adding to the overall health and continuity of the industry. The fact that states like Kentucky are pursuing legalization of online gaming is promising for the future of the industry.

Now is the time for the federal government and individual states to embrace the legalization of many forms of gaming, including online poker. Public approval for online gambling is increasing, offering a prime opportunity for states to act. Rather than allowing offshore gaming websites to infiltrate the American market, states should reclaim the market share. Online gaming will give states access to additional tax revenue which can be put to use improving the lives of their citizens. States are merely delaying the inevitable legalization of online poker if they choose to wait. For now, states should play their hand right instead of folding.

I Senior Staff Editor, Kentucky Law Journal, Vol. 109; J.D. Candidate, The University of Kentucky J. David Rosenberg College of Law (2021); B.A., The University of Kentucky (2017).

2 Global Gambling Industry in Recent Years, Casino.org www.casino.org/features/gambling-statistics [https://perma.cc/BX2P-SCF2].

See Welcome to TwinSpires, TwinSpires, https://www.twinspires.com/about-us [https://perma.cc/53SD-ZCMS]; FanDuel, https://www.fanduel.com[https://perma.cc/NR2M-GHP8]; DraftKings, http://www.draftkings.com [https://perma.cc/L7NW-DNFF].

[4] Erik Smith, Planet Poker Era, Poker Hist. (Aug. 10, 2011, 5:15 PM), www.pokerhistory.eu/history/planet-poker-first-online-poker-room [https://perma.cc/MTB2-UWHU].

[5] See Bernard Lee, Life and Legacy of Chris Moneymaker, ESPN (May 24, 2018), www.espn.com/poker/story/_/id/23594337/world-series-poker-life-legacy-chris-moneymaker-15-years-2003-wsop-main-event-win-changed-world-poker [https://perma.cc/MCL9-UX8S].

[6] Chris Moneymaker, PokerListings, https://www.pokerlistings.com/poker-player/chris-moneymaker [https://perma.cc/SFS5-A89Z].

[7] Unlawful Internet Gambling Enforcement Act of 2006, ch. 53, sec. 802, §§ 5361–67, Pub. L. No. 109-347, 120 Stat. 1952 (codified as 31 U.S.C. §§ 5361–67).

[8] 31 U.S.C. § 5363 (2006).

[9] 31 U.S.C. § 5361 (2006).

[10] Andrew M. Nevill, Folded Industry? Black Friday’s Effect on the Future of Online Poker in the United States, 2013 U. Ill. J.L. Tech. & Pol’y 203, 204 (2013).

[11] Id.

[12] See id.

[13] Professional and Amateur Sports Protection Act, ch. 178, sec. 1–3, §§ 3701–3704, Pub. L. No. 102-559, 106 Stat. 4227 (1992); see generally John T. Holden, Prohibitive Failure: The Demise of the Ban on Sports Betting, 35 Ga. St. U.L. Rev. 329, 334­–37 (2019) (explaining the events leading up to and the passage of PASPA).

[14] Murphy v. NCAA, 138 S. Ct. 1461, 1484–85 (2018).

[15] See Justin Fielkow et al., Tackling PASPA: The Past, Present, and Future of Sports Gambling in America, 66 DePaul L. Rev. 23, 47–49 (2016).

[16] Id. at 48.

[17] Ryan Rodenberg, United States of Sports Betting: An Updated Map of Where Every State Stands, ESPN (Apr. 7, 2021) https://www.espn.com/chalk/story/_/id/19740480/the-united-states-sports-betting-where-all-50-states-stand-legalization [https://perma.cc/52YC-5W43].

[18] 28 U.S.C. § 3702 (1992).

[19] 31 U.S.C. § 5361(b) (2006).

[20] Id. at § 5363.

[21] Id. at § 5362.

[22] See infra Part III.

[23] 31 U.S.C. § 5362 (2006).

[24] Id.

[25] Id. at § 5363.

[26] Murphy v. NCAA, 138 S. Ct. 1461, 1485 (2018) (quoting New York v. United States, 505 U.S. 144, 166 (1992)).

[27] 31 U.S.C. § 5361(b) (2006).

[28] Joker Club, L.L.C. v. Hardin, 643 S.E.2d 626, 630–31 (N.C. Ct. App. 2007); Commonwealth v. Dent, 992 A.2d 190, 195–96 (Pa. Super. Ct. 2010). 

[29] 31 U.S.C. §§ 5361–67.

[30] See, e.g.Joker Club, 643 S.E.2d at 629–30.

[31] Id. 

[32] Id. at 630.

[33] Id.

[34] Id.

[35] Id. at 630–31.

[36] Commonwealth v. Dent, 992 A.2d 190, 196 (Pa. Super. Ct. 2010).

[37] See generally, Poker Starting Hands Percentage & How to Play Your Position, CardsChat, http://www.cardschat.com/poker-starting-hands-percentage.php [https://perma.cc/KLU6-NAVQ] (explaining different poker strategies).

[38] E.g.Dent, 992 A.2d at 195–96.

[39] See Roman V. Yampolskiy, Game Skill Measure for Mixed Games, 1 Int’l J. Computer & Info. Engineering, 662, 663 (2007), https://publications.waset.org/4769/pdf [https://perma.cc/ZB5Q-FRT5].

[40] 31 U.S.C. § 5362.

[41] See Michael A. Tselnik, Note, Check, Raise, Or Fold: Poker and the Unlawful Internet Gambling Enforcement Act, 35 Hofstra L. Rev. 1617, 1669 (2007).

[42] Id.

[43] Murphy v. NCAA, 138 S. Ct. 1461 (2018).

[44] Id. at 1471.

[45] See id. at 1465–66.

[46] Id. at 1471. Holden’s article provides a much deeper analysis of the litigation history surrounding PASPA. Holden, supra note 13, at 353–64.

[47] Murphy, 138 S. Ct. at 1478.

[48] Id. at 1484.

[49] Id. at 1469.

[50] See Holden, supra note 13, at 336.

[51] See generally Jack S. Blocker, Jr., Did Prohibition Really Work?, 96 Am. J. Pub. Health 233 (2006) (arguing that Prohibition did not eliminate alcohol consumption in America, but it significantly reduced it). 

[52] Holden, supra note 13, at 337, 339–42, 346.

[53] DraftKings to Open Fantasy Lounges at AT&T Stadium, Gillette Stadium & Arrowhead Stadium to Kick Off the Football Season, PRNewswire (Aug. 26, 2015, 11:52 PM), http://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/draftkings-to-open-fantasy-lounges-at-att-stadium-gillette-stadium--arrowhead-stadium-to-kick-off-the-football-season-300133579.html [https://perma.cc/4LS7-AKEX].

[54] See NBA Announces Sports Betting Partnership with William Hill, NBA (Oct. 2, 2019, 12:40 PM), http://www.nba.com/article/2019/10/02/nba-partnership-william-hill-official-release [https://perma.cc/J5PV-8FQT]; see also Scott Eden, How Former Ref Tim Donaghy Conspired to Fix NBA Games, ESPN (Jul. 9, 2020), http://www.espn.com/nba/story/_/id/25980368/how-former-ref-tim-donaghy-conspired-fix-nba-games [https://perma.cc/R4C3-VGYC] (showing game-fixing in the NBA).

[55] See Gregory A. Brower & Mark R. Starr, The Wire Act Revisited: How the DOJ’s Recent Reinterpretation May Affect Gaming in Nevada, Nev. Law., Apr. 2019, at 8, 10.

[56] Id. at 9 (citing 18 U.S.C. § 1084(a)).

[57] Id.

[58] See id.

[59] Id.

[60] Id.

[61] Id. (citation omitted). 

[62] Id.

[63] Id.

[64] Id.

[65] See id. at 10.

[66] Id.

[67] Pete Kaminski, Legal Nevada Online Poker, Legal US Poker Sites (Feb. 23, 2021), www.legaluspokersites.com/state-laws/nevada [https://perma.cc/EHM7-WXSF].

[68] Id.

[69] Cliff Spiller, Nevada and Delaware Sign an Agreement to Share iPoker Player Pools, Legal US Poker Sites (Nov. 2, 2018), www.legaluspokersites.com/news/nevada-and-delaware-sign-an-agreement-to-share-ipoker-player-pools/3212 [https://perma.cc/UVA8-8K4F].

[70] Id.

[71] Kaminski, supra note 67.

[72] Steve Schult, Pennsylvania Online Poker Generates $2.5 Million Worth of Revenue in First Month, Card Player (Jan. 21, 2020), www.cardplayer.com/poker-news/24602-pennsylvania-online-poker-generates-2-5-million-in-revenue-in-first-full-month [https://perma.cc/YR7V-P789].

[73] Id.

[74] PokerStars Launches in Pennsylvania, Poker Stars (Nov. 4, 2019), https://www.pokerstars.com/en/news/pokerstars-launches-in-pennsylvania/57916/?no_redirect=1 [https://perma.cc/U7ZQ-PQJF].

[75] Multi-State Legal Online Poker, Online Poker Rep. (Mar. 22, 2021), www.onlinepokerreport.com/multi-state-poker [https://perma.cc/DB2Z-9XRT].

[76] Schult, supra note 72.

[77] Id. The outset of the COVID-19 pandemic has kept most gamblers at home. As anticipated, the online gaming industry has only continued to thrive due to widespread restrictions on in-person betting. If more states had online options available, gamblers may not have to risk their health by going to a casino during a pandemic in order to make their bets. See FN Media Group, How Sports Betting is Thriving Despite COVID-19 Lockdowns, PRNewswire (July 17, 2020, 8:00 PM), www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/how-sports-betting-is-thriving-despite-covid-19-lockdowns-301095319.html [https://perma.cc/2ACF-9SUN].

[78] Multi-State Legal Online Pokersupra note 75. 

[79] See Blocker, supra note 51, at 237 (discussing the sale of dehydrated grapes and how consumers would rehydrate and ferment them to make wine). 

[80] See id.

[81] Nevill, supra note 10, at 217.

[82] Adrian Sterne, Offshore Poker Sites, Top 10 Poker Sites, https://www.top10pokersites.net/offshore-poker-sites [https://perma.cc/3L28-MBUC].

[83] See Jake Patel, Offshore Gambling, Compare.Bet, www.compare.bet/en-us/offshore-gambling [https://perma.cc/BL4K-MBTW].

[84] See generally Avery Minor, Note, Cryptocurrency Regulations Wanted: Iterative, Flexible, and Pro-Competitive Preferred, 61 B.C.L. Rev. 1149, 1150 (discussing cryptocurrency in the United States).

[85] Natalie Faulk, Ultimate Bet and Absolute Poker: What Happened?, Upswing Poker (Mar. 27, 2018), www.upswingpoker.com/ultimate-bet-absolute-poker-scandal [https://perma.cc/4EAH-J7R6].

[86] Id.

[87] Id.

[88] Id.

[89] Id.

[90] Id.

[91] Absolute Poker, Safest Poker Sites, www.safestpokersites.com/absolute-poker [https://perma.cc/QAS9-T8VD].

[92] 31 U.S.C. § 5361.

[93] Murphy v. NCAA, 138 S. Ct. 1461, 1485 (2018).

[94] Id. at 1484–85.

[95] States with Legal Horse Betting, Legal Sports Betting (Mar. 29, 2021), https://www.legalsportsbetting.com/states-with-horse-betting/ [https://perma.cc/7ASA-8HK5].

[96] Fielkow et al., supra note 15, at 48–49.

[97] 31 U.S.C. § 5361.

[98] States with Legal Horse Bettingsupra note 95; see generally Ky Rev. Stat. Ann. § 230.260 (West 2011) (providing authority to the Kentucky Horse Racing Commission)

[99] Steve Bittenbender, Kentucky Legislation Begins Action to Legalize Historical Horse Racing Machines, Ctr. Square (Feb. 4, 2021), https://www.thecentersquare.com/kentucky/kentucky-legislature-begins-action-to-legalize-historical-horse-racing-machines/article_3ec45258-6721-11eb-b253-a7a291baf292.html [https://perma.cc/JR8A-VKAP].

[100] Id.; Family Tr. Found., Inc. v. Ky. Horse Racing Comm'n, No. 2018-SC-0630-TG, 2020 WL 5806813, at *5 (Ky. Sept. 24, 2020), reh'g denied (Jan. 21, 2021).

[101] Bet Online with TwinSpires, TwinSpires, www.Twinspires.com [https://perma.cc/G64M-DE24].

[102] Bob Pajich, Kentucky Attempts to Seize Online Poker Domains, Card Player (Sep. 22, 2008), www.cardplayer.com/poker-news/5121-kentucky-attempts-to-seize-online-poker-domains [https://perma.cc/QZC6-HPVT].

[103] Id.

[104] John Cheves, Online Poker Site Owes KY $1.3 Billion. The State is Reaching for First $100 Million., Lexington Herald Leader (Mar. 25, 2021, 3:29 PM), https://www.kentucky.com/news/politics-government/article250204085.html#:~:text=The%20high%20court%20said%20Kentucky's,poker%20is%20illegal%20in%20Kentucky.

[105] Steve Schult, Kentucky Wins $1.3 Billion Lawsuit Against PokerStars, Card Player (Dec. 17, 2020), https://www.cardplayer.com/poker-news/25559-kentucky-wins-1-3-billion-lawsuit-against-pokerstars [https://perma.cc/MY2G-Y96Y].

[106] Jennifer Newell, Online Poker Remains in Kentucky Gubernatorial Debates, Legal Us Poker Sites (Oct. 17, 2019), www.legaluspokersites.com/news/online-poker-kentucky/19482 [https://perma.cc/W8MB-JLN8].

[107] Id.

[108] Alex Weldon, Kentucky Online Poker Bill Clears First Committee Hurdle with Ease, Online Poker Rep. (Jan. 22, 2020, 5:00 PM), www.onlinepokerreport.com/39654/kentucky-online-poker-bill-advances [https://perma.cc/E9VY-P4M2].

[109] Id.

[110] Tim Sullivan, Despite Majority Support in Kentucky House, Odds Were Against Sports Betting Bill, Louisville Courier J. (Apr. 8, 2020, 5:50 PM),  https://www.courier-journal.com/story/sports/2020/04/08/kentucky-house-politics-kills-kentucky-sports-betting-bill/2970078001/ [https://perma.cc/2KYY-JXGT].

[111] Christina Monroe, Kentucky Kills Bill for Legal Sports Betting in 2021, Legal Sports Betting (Mar. 14, 2021, 12:03 PM), https://www.legalsportsbetting.com/news/kentucky-kills-bill-for-legal-sports-betting-in-2021/ [https://perma.cc/5TY5-K76J].

[112] Id.

[113] James McNair, How Kentucky Money Fuels Cross-Border Casinos, Other State Budgets, Ky. Ctr. Investigative Reporting (Mar. 6, 2015), https://kycir.org/2015/03/06/how-kentucky-money-fuels-cross-border-casinos-other-state-budgets/ [https://perma.cc/K3BF-5KF6]. While the article’s numerical data is outdated in this rapidly growing industry, it is a detailed empirical analysis of the problem, and the same issues yet remain for Kentuckians today.

[114] Brower & Starr, supra note 55, at 9.

Setting a Dangerous Precedent: A Constitutional Analysis of Kentucky Courts' Public Policy Exception to Conflicts-of-Law Jurisprudence

Download a PDF Below:

Cameron F. Myers[1]

Introduction

In resolving contractual disputes in which the contract or the contracting parties are connected to multiple states, courts are often charged with the daunting task of determining which state’s law provides the proper avenue for handling the dispute. In Kentucky, courts generally follow the Restatements (Second) of Conflicts of Laws “most significant relationship” test.[2]

The most significant relationship test instructs courts to consider several factors: the place of formation of the contract; the place where the contract was or is to be performed; the physical location, if any, of the contract’s subject matter; as well as the domicile, residence, and/or place of business of the contracting parties.[3] The idea is for these factors, taken together, to provide a defendable means for Kentucky courts to determine which state has the “most significant relationship to the transaction and the parties,” and, consequently, which state’s law should govern the contractual dispute.[4]

But even if the application of the most significant relationship test clearly identifies a state other than Kentucky as the state with the most significant relationship to the transaction and the parties, Kentucky courts will nevertheless refuse to apply the law of that state if doing so would violate a well-established public policy of the Commonwealth.[5] Notably, however, Kentucky courts will invoke this public policy exception to the most significant relationship test only for the protection of a Kentucky resident. As Justice Abramson once wrote for the Supreme Court of Kentucky, the public policy exception requires a “well-founded rule of domestic policy established to protect the morals, safety, or welfare of our people.”[6]The court emphasized that “[w]here no Kentucky resident has been affected, rarely will that standard be met.”[7]

This Note explores the constitutionality of Kentucky courts’ refusal to extend the public policy exception to nonresidents who properly bring suit in Kentucky. Part I employs case law examples to illustrate how Kentucky courts routinely apply the public policy exception for the protection of Kentucky residents, and it traces the historical trend of Kentucky courts toward denying the public policy exception to nonresidents. Part II analyzes the constitutionality of Kentucky courts’ application of the public policy exception under the Equal Protection Clause. Part III examines the constitutionality of Kentucky courts’ application of the public policy exception under the Privileges and Immunities Clause. Part IV provides a brief synopsis of the reasons why Kentucky should apply the public policy exception equally to all persons within its boundaries, regardless of residency.  

 I.           The Case Law

Recently, the public policy exception was used for the protection of a Kentucky resident in the case Woods v. Standard Fire Insurance Company.[8] In Woods, a Kentucky resident was gravely wounded in a car crash on a Kentucky roadway.[9] Woods, the Kentucky resident, acquired medical charges surpassing $250,000.[10] During the collision, Woods was operating her father’s car, a resident of Connecticut.[11] The car was insured by Standard Fire, a Connecticut insurance company with its principal place of business in Connecticut.[12] Under the terms of the policy, Woods’ father was the named insured and Woods was in no way covered.[13]

The other motorist in the collision was insured by United States Automobile Association (USAA).[14] Woods settled her tort claim with USAA for $50,000.[15] Woods obtained $11,000 in “UIM benefits” from Standard Fire, the insurer of her father’s vehicle, and requested an additional $100,000 in UIM benefits from the company.[16] The Standard Fire policy contained a set-off provision which lowered its “limit of liability . . . by all sums” paid by other parties possibly “legally responsible” for collisions causing physical damage.[17]

Under Connecticut law, where such provisions are enforceable, this clause would reduce (“set-off”) Woods’ $100,000 UIM payment from Standard Fire by $61,000, the total amount previously received from USAA and Standard Fire.[18] Under Kentucky law, however, such set-off provisions are not enforceable as against public policy and would therefore not reduce Woods’ total amount recoverable by the prior amounts received.[19] Consequently, the case turned on whether Connecticut law or Kentucky law governed the interpretation of the policy.[20]

Despite its conclusion that the application of the most significant relationship test weighed in favor of applying Connecticut law, the court nevertheless held that the public policy exception required application of Kentucky law to the insurance policy.[21] The court “acknowledge[d] that application of the public policy exception in this case swallows the most significant relationship test analysis, which points in favor of application of Connecticut law.”[22] But the court reasoned that Kentucky state courts have “demonstrated a willingness to disregard the most significant relationship test” when its application would clearly violate the public policy of Kentucky.[23]

Although the court made no comment of the fact that it was disregarding another state’s substantive law for the protection of a Kentucky resident, as opposed to a non-resident, this decision is consistent with the pattern of Kentucky courts only applying the public policy exception if a Kentucky resident stands to benefit.

A similar example reflecting this pattern is found in the case of Schardein v. State Auto Insurance Company.[24] Schardein involved an automobile accident on a Kentucky roadway between a Kentucky resident and another driver.[25] The Kentucky resident, a 19-year-old, was killed in the collision.[26] The decedent’s estate moved against the uninsured motorist policy of his father, an Indiana resident insured by State Auto.[27]Similar to the insurance policy in Woods, the policy issued by State Farm to the decedent’s father contained a set-off provision which reduced the payments receivable from State Farm by all other amounts paid by other parties as a result of the collision.[28]

The decedent’s estate conceded that under Kentucky’s traditional conflict of laws analysis Indiana law would apply, but nevertheless argued that Kentucky law should apply under the public policy exception.[29] The court agreed.[30] Despite the fact that the named policy holders were both Indiana residents, the court held that the decedent was a resident of Kentucky and therefore his estate was “entitled to the protection of Kentucky’s laws.”[31]

A.      The Unfollowed Exception

State Farm v. Marley appears to be the only case in which the Kentucky Supreme Court applied the public policy exception for the protection of a nonresident of Kentucky,[32] but that opinion has not been followed and was later implicitly rejected by the Kentucky Supreme Court itself.[33]

In Marley, an Indiana resident fell asleep behind the wheel and lost control of his vehicle while driving through Kentucky with his family.[34] The driver of the vehicle had a personal liability umbrella insurance policy issued in Indiana.[35] The driver’s injured family members, all of which were Indiana residents, subsequently filed a personal injury claim against the driver in Kentucky.[36] The driver’s insurer contended that a household exclusion provision within the policy was valid and enforceable and therefore prevented the family members from recovering against the driver’s policy.[37]

In finding that such provisions clearly violated the public policy of Kentucky, the court held the household exclusion provision void and unenforceable as applied to the automobile liability coverage.[38] The court reasoned that it is clear public policy of Kentucky “to ensure that victims of motor vehicle accidents on Kentucky highways are fully compensated.”[39] The majority opinion made no distinction between residents and non-residents in holding the household exclusion provision unenforceable as against public policy.[40]

Despite the majority’s constitutionally-compliant opinion, the dissenting opinion has since become the prevailing view of the Commonwealth.[41]The dissent takes the position that it is illogical for Kentucky courts to apply Kentucky’s public policy exception in a way that would “provide rights to nonresidents to which they are not entitled under the law of their home state.”[42] Because all of the parties to this action were residents of Indiana, the dissent contends, Indiana law should govern the interpretation of the policy and that should be the end of the matter.[43] The crux of the dissent’s argument is that nonresidents of Kentucky should not be afforded the protections of the public policy of Kentucky merely because they got into an accident in Kentucky.[44]

In support of this view, the dissent makes two main arguments. First, the dissent argues generally that extending the public policy exception to out-of-state residents encourages forum shopping, which, itself, violates the public policy of Kentucky.[45] Second, and more related to the facts of the case at hand, the dissent contends that a majority of other jurisdictions have held such household exclusion clauses enforceable “if valid where the policy was issued and where the parties reside even if invalid in the state where the accident occurred.”[46]

On their face, the dissent’s arguments in support of denying the public policy exception to out-of-state residents are both logical and well-reasoned. It is true that a majority of other jurisdictions have held these clauses enforceable if valid where the policy was issued, even if the clauses were invalid in the state where the accident occurred.[47] It is likewise true that forum shopping is against the public policy of Kentucky.[48] Logical as these arguments may be, however, they suffer two critical flaws. 

First, the dissent’s “everyone else is doing it” argument overlooks, as many other jurisdictions have, the fact that routinely applying this exception for the protection of in-state residents while consistently denying its applicability to similarly-situated nonresidents implicates the Equal Protection Clause. The Equal Protection Clause unequivocally commands that no state shall “deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.”[49] The public policy exception clearly constitutes law, and it certainly provides protection for those whom it is invoked for.[50]  Accordingly, it is difficult to see how the Equal Protection Clause could be read to require anything other than that Kentucky courts apply the protections of the public policy exception equally to residents and nonresidents in Kentucky. 

Second, the dissent’s forum-shopping argument overlooks the Supremacy Clause. As explained above, it is hard to see how the Equal Protection Clause could be read to not require Kentucky courts to apply the protections of the public policy exception equally to residents and nonresidents alike. The dissent’s argument that applying the public policy exception to non-residents would violate state law of preventing forum-shopping therefore creates a direct conflict of laws between the U.S. Constitution and state law. In situations such as this, the Supremacy Clause commands that the U.S. Constitution prevail over state law.[51]

B.      Denial of Public Policy Exception to Nonresidents

In the 2013 decision of Hodgkiss-Warrick,[52] the Kentucky Supreme Court implicitly changed its view on the applicability of the public policy exception to out-of-state residents. In that case, a Pennsylvania resident sued to recover for injuries sustained in an automobile collision while riding with her daughter on a Kentucky roadway.[53] The suit named the injured Pennsylvania resident’s insurance company as defendant, alleging insufficient motorist coverage under a policy issued in Pennsylvania and covering a vehicle registered and used exclusively in Pennsylvania.[54] The policy at issue contained an exclusion prohibiting the injured Pennsylvania resident from recovering damages arising out of an accident involving an automobile used by a resident relative, including the Pennsylvania resident’s daughter.[55]

While conceding that under traditional conflict-of-law analysis Pennsylvania law would govern the interpretation of the insurance policy, the Pennsylvania resident argued that the exclusion of her daughter’s vehicle from the policy’s coverage would so violate the public policy of Kentucky that Kentucky law, rather than Pennsylvania law, must apply.[56] Under Kentucky law, the Appellee argued that such exclusions from insurance policies are unenforceable as against Kentucky public policy.[57]

Although the court found that the exclusion at issue did not, in fact, run afoul of Kentucky public policy, the court acknowledged that, even if it did, the public policy exception would nevertheless be inapplicable to the facts of this case.[58] The court reasoned that in order for the public policy exception to bar enforcement of a contractual provision that is valid where made, the Kentucky public policy against such enforcement must be significant.[59] According to the court, a public policy is only substantial if it is a “well-founded rule of domestic policy established to protect the morals, safety or welfare of our people.”[60] “Where no Kentucky resident has been affected,” the court continued, “rarely will that standard be met.”[61]

Following the logic of Hodgkiss-Warrick, the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Kentucky, applying Kentucky law, similarly declined to invoke the public policy exception for the benefit of a Kentucky nonresident in the 2014 case of Georgel v. Preece.[62] Georgel involved an accident between a West Virginia resident and a Kentucky resident on a Kentucky roadway.[63] Georgel, the West Virginia resident, filed suit against Preece, the Kentucky resident, as well as Preece’s insurance company seeking damages for injuries he sustained as a result of the accident.[64]Georgel’s insurance company countered that Georgel’s own comparative fault precluded Georgel from recovery.[65] Because West Virginia law encompasses the doctrine of modified comparative negligence, which bars a plaintiff who is fifty percent or more responsible from recovery, Georgel’s chances of recovery were far less viable in West Virginia than in Kentucky.[66]

In its application of the “most significant relationship” test, the court ultimately concluded that West Virginia had the most significant relationship to the transaction and the parties and, therefore, West Virginia law should apply.[67] Georgel urged the court to apply the public policy exception, arguing that Kentucky has a strong, clearly-established public policy of recognizing pure comparative fault.[68] Georgel explained that the purpose behind Kentucky’s doctrine of pure comparative fault is “to promote the policy of allowing injured persons to recover despite being partially responsible for their own injuries.”[69] If the court were to apply West Virginia law, Georgel argued, he would be denied the policy’s benefit.[70]

But Georgel’s pleas fell on deaf ears due to the simple fact that Georgel was not a resident of Kentucky.[71] In declining to extend the public policy exception, the court distinguished a prior case recognizing this public policy on the sole basis that in that case the party who stood to benefit from Kentucky law was a Kentucky resident, whereas Georgel was not.[72] In addition to the court’s reliance on Hodgkiss-Warrick, the court also cited the dissenting opinion in Marley for the proposition that Kentucky has no interest in applying its public policy to provide benefits to out-of-state residents who would not be entitled to such benefits in their own state of residence.[73]

  II.           Constitutionality Under Equal Protection Clause

As addressed above, Kentucky courts’ denial of the public policy exception to nonresidents implicates the Equal Protection Clause. To be sure, the Clause is implicated whenever a government action draws a distinction between groups of people and provides one group more or less protection under the law than the other group.[74] Here, in the context of conflict-of-law disputes, Kentucky courts have drawn a distinction between Kentucky residents and nonresidents and afforded Kentucky residents greater protection under the law by only invoking the public policy exception on their behalf. The Equal Protection Clause is implicated by this residency-based discrimination, and the question next becomes the appropriate level of scrutiny for constitutional review.[75]

Typically, laws or government actions which draw such classifications between groups of people will survive judicial review under the Equal Protection Clause so long as the classification is “rationally related to a legitimate government interest.”[76] This standard is known as rational basis review, and it is used to analyze government regulations, laws, or actions involving classifications that do not implicate an immutable characteristic (e.g., race, national origin, aliens, gender) or encroach on a fundamental right (i.e., rights specifically recognized by the Supreme Court as granted by the Constitution).[77] This is a relatively lenient standard in which the government is normally—though not always—given a significant amount of deference.[78]

In the context of Kentucky’s denial of its public policy exception to nonresidents, rational basis review is likely the proper standard of constitutional scrutiny. The classification made by Kentucky courts in this regard is based on state of residency, which is not an immutable characteristic warranting a higher level of scrutiny.[79] Likewise, it is unlikely that the denial of the public policy exception to nonresidents interferes impermissibly with the exercise of a fundamental right—at least under traditional Equal Protection Clause analysis.[80] Even under rational basis review, however, courts will strike down laws or governmental actions if there is simply no plausible legitimate state interest for the state to advance.[81]

In Romer v. Evans, for example, the Court struck down under rational basis review a Colorado Constitutional Amendment which precluded any judicial, legislative, or executive action designed to protect persons from discrimination based on their sexual orientation.[82] The State’s proffered interest in adopting the Amendment was the protection of “the liberties of landlords or employers who have personal or religious objections to homosexuality.”[83] In declining to deem this interest legitimate, the Court reasoned that if equal protection of the laws means anything, “it must at the very least mean that a bare . . . desire to harm a politically unpopular group cannot constitute a legitimate government interest.”[84]

Similarly, in Metropolitan Life Insurance Company v. Ward, the Court used rational basis review to strike down an Alabama law which attempted to promote the growth of an in-state insurance industry by taxing in-state companies at much lower rates than out-of-state companies doing business in the State.[85] The Court found the State’s preferred interest to be “purely and completely discriminatory,” and accordingly deemed the law the “very sort of parochial discrimination that the Equal Protection Clause was intended to prevent.”[86]  

Based on the language of the Kentucky opinions denying the public policy exception to out-of-state residents, there appear to be two state interests Kentucky could advance in support of making this distinction. First, Kentucky could argue that it has a legitimate state interest in declining to “provide rights to nonresidents to which they are not entitled in their home state.”[87] It is difficult to distinguish such an interest from the impermissible state interest offered by the Colorado government in Romer, as it seems to be more of a bare desire to disfavor a particular group of people within the Kentucky’s borders than an effort to advance a bona-fide interest for the benefit of the Commonwealth. 

Though Kentucky’s inequal application of its public policy exception harms a group of people less directly than the Colorado constitutional amendment did in Romer (which is perhaps part of the reason why such practices have escaped Constitutional scrutiny thus far), the practical effect is the same. In both instances, the government action singles out a particular group with little political power (homosexual Colorado citizens in Romer)or no political power (nonresidents who properly bring suit in Kentucky) within a state and disadvantages that group.[88] Accordingly, it seems plausible that even under rational basis review this interest would fail to qualify as legitimate.  

Alternatively, Kentucky could argue that it has a legitimate state interest in refusing to disrupt the balance of public policies that other states have chosen for their citizens.[89] Here too, though, it is uncertain whether such an interest would qualify as legitimate, as there appears to be no case law even remotely on point. Logically speaking, however, one major flaw in this argument is that Kentucky has no issue overriding the balance of public policies and substantive laws that another state has chosen for its residents when doing so protects a Kentucky resident.[90]

Furthermore, such a disparate treatment of non-residents who properly bring suit in Kentucky could be analogized, albeit imperfectly, to Alabama’s “purely and completely discriminatory” treatment of out-of-state companies doing business in Alabama as in Ward.[91] Just as the Supreme Court there deemed the State’s interest in discriminating against out-of-state companies in order to protect domestic growth to be illegitimate,[92] the Supreme Court could likewise hold Kentucky’s interest in declining to disrupt the balance of policies chosen by other states for their residents, except when doing so would benefit a Kentucky resident, to be insufficient. Accordingly, it seems quite plausible Kentucky’s practice of denying its public policy exception to nonresidents could fail even the most deferential standard of constitutional scrutiny. 

III. Constitutionality Under Privileges and Immunities Clause

Article IV, Section 2 of the United States Constitution requires that “[t]he Citizens of each State shall be entitled to all Privileges and Immunities of Citizens in the several States.”[93] Historically, the Privileges and Immunities Clause has been used primarily to protect rights which are either fundamental or involve important economic activities.[94]

The most obvious privileges and immunities, for example, are constitutional rights,[95] such as the right to own and dispose of property,[96] or the right to pursue “a common calling.”[97] By the same token, the right to engage in a particular trade or profession, or to pay an equal licensing fee as residents for certain commercial activities, also qualify as privileges and immunities under the clause.[98] Rights which are not considered fundamental, such as the right to hunt for sport, for example, do not qualify as privileges and immunities.[99]

In the context of conflicts-of-law, the Privileges and Immunities Clause has a particularly curious history. While Supreme Court justices have acknowledged the inherent overlap between constitutional law and conflicts-of-law principles,[100] the modern Court has never heard a Privileges and Immunities Clause challenge to a state conflicts-of-law rule.[101] In fact, the Court has not invalidated a state conflict-of-law decision under anyconstitutional provision since 1951.[102] This is true despite the fact that conflict-of-law rules that give preference to local litigants constitute a “prima facie” violation of the Privileges and Immunities Clause under even the most liberal reading of the Clause’s text.[103]

But for some reason, the Supreme Court has steered clear of this convoluted intersection of law for more than a half-century, leaving its resolution entirely to state courts and legal theorists.[104] The result of leaving this power with the states has, predictably, resulted in a system by which local discrimination against nonresidents often escapes judicial review.[105]

In the context of Kentucky only applying its public policy exception for the protection of Kentucky residents, for example, certain residents of other states who lawfully bring suit in Kentucky are denied Kentucky’s favorable policies. Truthfully, it is less than clear exactly what constitutes a “privilege” or “immunity” under the Clause as to warrant constitutional protection against discrimination on the basis of state residency.[106] But because Kentucky advances these policies for the protection of Kentucky residents, its denial to residents of other states at least arguably deprives those citizens of a fundamental right or “privilege” under the clause—the constitutional right to equal protection of the laws. 

As one prominent legal theorist put it, “if the state’s conflicts rules provides that a local right will prevail in a particular case when asserted by a local, that right must prevail when asserted in the same case by an out-of-state[] [resident], unless there is some nondiscriminatory reason why it should not.”[107] The theorist continued, “[j]udicious use of garden-variety antidiscrimination principles embedded in the . . . Privileges and Immunities Clause,” would prevent such local favoritism by states.[108]

Yet, because the Supreme Court refuses to address this issue, states are permitted to continue discriminating against nonresidents through conflict-of-law rules in ways that run afoul of the Privileges and Immunities Clause.[109] For this reason, it is crucial for states like Kentucky who employ these rules to recognize the constitutional ramifications of their actions and lead the way in shifting towards a less-discriminatory body of law. If Kentucky were to reconcile its conflicts-of-law rules with the U.S. Constitution, the Commonwealth would be taking a significant step towards achieving the Framers’ core purpose in drafting the Privileges and Immunities Clause.[110]

IV. Kentucky Courts Should Apply the Public Policy Exception Without Regard to Residency

Given the constitutional issues surrounding conflicts-of-law practices in Kentucky, Kentucky courts should apply its public policy exception equally to residents and nonresidents alike. For one, it is questionable whether Kentucky’s current practice of denying its public policy exception to out-of-state residents could survive even the lowest level of constitutional scrutiny under the Equal Protection Clause.[111] Secondly, such discriminatory behavior is precisely what the Privileges and Immunities Clause was drafted to protect against.[112]

While it is true that the practice is unlikely to be reviewed by the Supreme Court in the near future,[113] Kentucky should nevertheless lead the way in exercising constitutionally compliant conflicts-of-law rules. To be sure, equal protection in the courts between residents and nonresidents alike was a vital part of the Framers’ understanding of the Privileges and Immunities Clause.[114] Further, the plain text of the Equal Protection Clause requires that no person (whether or not that person is a citizen, noncitizenresident or nonresident) within a state’s jurisdiction be denied equal protection of the laws of that state.[115]

In order for nonresidents who properly bring suit in Kentucky to receive equal protection in this context, they must be governed by “equal application of equal laws.”[116]  By embedding within its conflicts-of-law rules an exception, which can only be used for the protection of Kentucky residents, Kentucky courts violate this principle in the most literal sense.

Conclusion

In sum, by denying out-of-state residents, who properly bring suit in Kentucky, certain legal protections afforded to in-state residents, Kentucky’s application of the public policy exception to the Restatement (Second) Conflicts of Law test is at odds with both the Equal Protection Clause and the Privileges and Immunities Clause of the United States Constitution.  If Kentucky courts wish to continue overriding the Commonwealth’s conflicts-of-law principles with public policy, they should do so without regard to the claimant’s residency. By continuing to apply the public policy exception in a way that favors only local litigants, Kentucky courts set the dangerous precedent of ignoring some of the United States’ most fundamental laws.


I J.D. Candidate, University of Kentucky J. David Rosenberg College of Law (2021). 

[2] See, e.g., State Farm Mut. Auto. Ins. Cov. Hodgkiss-Warrick, 413 S.W.3d 875, 878 (Ky. 2013) (quoting Restatement (Second) of Conflict of Laws §188(1) (Am. Law Inst. 1977)).

[3] Id. at 878–79.

[4] Id. at 878 (quoting Restatement (Second) of Conflict of Laws §188(1) (Am. L. Inst. 1977)).

[5] State Farm Mut. Auto. Ins. Co. v. Marley, 151 S.W.3d 33, 35 (Ky. 2004). 

[6] Hodgkiss-Warrick, 413 S.W.3d at 882 (quoting R.S. Barbee & Co. v. Bevins, Hopkins & Co. 195 S.W. 154, 155 (Ky. 1917)).

[7] Id.see also Marley, 151 S.W.3d at 42 (Cooper, J., dissenting) (“Kentucky has no interest in applying our public policy to provide benefits to Indiana residents who would not be entitled to them under Indiana law.”).

[8] Woods v. Standard Fire Ins. Co., 411 F. Supp. 3d 397, 406 (E.D. Ky. 2019). 

[9] Id. at 399.

[10] Id.

[11] Id. at 400.

[12] Id.

[13] Id.

[14] Id. at 399.

[15] Id. at 400.

[16] Id.

[17] Id.

[18] Id. at 400–01.

[19] Id. at 401.

[20] Id.

[21] Id. at 405–06.  

[22] Id. at 405.

[23] Id.

[24] Schardein v. State Auto. Ins. Co., No. 12-288-C, 2012 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 180746, at *4–5 (W.D. Ky. Dec. 20, 2012).

[25] Id. at *1.

[26] Id.

[27] Id. at *2.

[28] Id. at *2–3.

[29] Id. at *3–4.

[30] Id. at *6.

[31] Id. at *4.

[32] See State Farm Mut. Auto. Ins. Cov. Marley, 151 S.W.3d 33, 34, 36 (Ky. 2004).

[33] State Farm Mut. Auto. Ins. Cov. Hodgkiss-Warrick, 413 S.W.3d 875, 882, 885 (Ky. 2013) (concluding that the Marley rationale was only applicable in limited circumstances: “Where no Kentucky resident has been affected, rarely will [the public policy exception] be met.”); see also Georgel v. Preece, No. 13-57-DLB-EBA, 2014 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 154678, at *22 (E.D. Ky. Oct. 30, 2014) (“[T]he Court sees no plausible basis for applying a public policy exception to the standard choice of law framework.”). 

[34] Marley, 151 S.W.3d at 34. 

[35] Id.

[36] Id.

[37] Id. at 35

[38] Id. at 36. 

[39] Id.

[40] See id. (“This claim arises from the ownership, operation, and use of a motor vehicle within Kentucky . . . .”).

[41] See State Farm Mut. Auto. Ins. Cov. Hodgkiss-Warrick, 413 S.W.3d 875, 885, 887 (Ky. 2013); Georgel v. Preece, No. 13-57-DLB-EBA, 2014 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 154678, *at 22 (E.D. Ky. Oct. 30, 2014) (“[T]he Court sees no plausible basis for applying a public policy exception to the standard choice of law framework.”).

[42] Marley, 151 S.W.3d at 41 (Cooper, J., dissenting).

[43] Id.

[44] See id. at 40 (Cooper, J., dissenting).

[45] Id. at 41 (Cooper, J., dissenting).

[46] Id. at 42 (Cooper, J., dissenting)..

[47] See, e.g., Am. Fam. Mut. Ins. Co. v. Williams, 839 F. Supp. 579, 583 (S.D. Ind. 1993) (upholding exclusion clause under Indiana law even though accident occurred in Kansas where exclusion was invalid); Allstate Ins. Co. v. Hart, 611 A.2d 100, 103–04 (Md. 1992) (upholding exclusion clause under Florida law even though accident occurred in Maryland where exclusion violated public policy); Sotirakis v. United Serv. Auto. Ass’n., 787 P.2d 788, 790–91 (Nev. 1990) (upholding exclusion clause under California law even though accident occurred in Nevada where exclusion was invalid); Draper v. Draper, 772 P.2d 180, 183 (Idaho 1989) (upholding exclusion clause under Oregon law even though accident occurred in New Mexico where exclusion was invalid). 

[48] See, e.g., Stewart v. Kentuckiana Med. Ctr., 604 S.W.3d 264, 270 (Ky. Ct. App. 2019).

[49] U.S. Const.  amend. XIV.

[50] See State Farm Mut. Auto. Ins. Cov. Hodgkiss-Warrick, 413 S.W.3d 875, 881 (Ky. 2013) (“[P]ublic policy, invoked to bar the enforcement of a contract, is not simply something courts establish from general considerations of supposed public interest, but rather something that must be found clearly expressed in the applicable law.”) (emphasis added). 

[51] U.S. Const.  art. VI, cl. 2.

[52] Hodgkiss-Warrick, 413 S.W.3d 875. 

[53] Id. at 876.

[54] Id.

[55] Id. at 878.

[56] Id. at 878, 879.

[57] Id. at 878.

[58] See id. at 882–83. 

[59] Id. at 882.

[60] Id. (quoting R.S. Barbee & Co. v. Bevins, Hopkins & Co. 195 S.W. 154, 155 (Ky. 1917)). 

[61] Id.

[62] Georgel v. Preece, No. 13-57-DLB-EBA, 2014 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 154678, at *18–19, *21–22 (E.D. Ky. Oct. 30, 2014).

[63] Id. at *2. 

[64] Id. at *2–3. 

[65] Id. at *3.

[66] Id.

[67] Id. at *16–17. 

[68] Id. at *20.

[69] Id.

[70] Id.

[71] Id. at *20–21. 

[72] Id.

[73] Id. at *21 (quoting State Farm Mut. Auto. Ins. Co. v. Marley, 151 S.W.3d 33, 42 (Ky. 2004)).

[74] See Christopher R. Green, The Original Sense of the (Equal) Protection Clause: Subsequent Interpretation and Application, 19 Geo. Mason U. C.R. L. J. 219, 220 (2009).

[75] Erwin Chemerinsky, Constitutional Law 727 (Wolters Kluwer eds., 5th ed. 2017). 

[76] See id. at 728 (“Rational basis review is the minimum level of scrutiny that all laws challenged under equal protection must meet. All laws not subjected to strict or intermediate scrutiny are evaluated under the rational basis test.”). 

[77] See, e.g., Colin Callahan & Amelia Kaufman, Equal Protection, 5 Geo. J. Gender & L. 17, 23, 26 (2004). 

[78] Chemerinsky, supra note 75, at 728. 

[79] Id. (“The notion [that immutable characteristics warrant heightened scrutiny] is [predicated on the fact] that it is unfair to penalize a person for characteristics that the person did not choose and that the individual cannot change.”). 

[80] Id. at 730. Cf. Part III, infra pp. 12–14 (discussing the possibility under Privileges and Immunities Clause analysis that the distinction encroaches on the fundamental right to equal protection of the laws). The only other fundamental right which could possibly be encroached by the denial of the public policy exception is the fundamental right to travel. The Supreme Court has made clear that “freedom to travel throughout the United States has long been recognized as a basic right under the Constitution.” Dunn v. Blumstein, 405 U.S. 330, 338 (1972) (citation omitted). Thus far, however, the Supreme Court’s jurisprudence concerning the fundamental right to travel has primarily concerned state durational residency requirements. See id. at 334; Attorney Gen. of N.Y. v. Soto-Lopez, 476 U.S. 898, 900–01, 907 (1986). Since the denial of the public policy exception is not a durational residency requirement, it is unlikely such a denial implicates any fundamental right as to require strict scrutiny. 

[81] See, e.g., Chemerinsky, supra note 75, at 728. 

[82] Romer v. Evans, 517 U.S. 620, 623–24, 635 (1996). 

[83] Id. at 635.

[84] Id. at 634 (quoting United States Dep't of Agric. v. Moreno, 413 U.S. 528, 534 (1973)).

[85] Metro. Life Ins. Co. v. Ward, 470 U.S. 869, 882–83 (1985).

[86] Id. at 878.

[87] State Farm Mut. Auto. Ins. Co. v. Marley, 151 S.W.3d 33, 41 (Ky. 2004) (Cooper, J., dissenting). 

[88] See Romer, 517 U.S. at 635.

[89] See State Farm Mut. Auto. Ins. Co. v. Hodgkiss-Warrick, 413 S.W.3d 875, 883 (Ky. 2013) (explaining that “nothing requires a Kentucky court to interfere with the balance Pennsylvania has chosen for its citizens.”) (citation omitted). 

[90] See, e.g., Woods v. Std. Fire Ins. Co., 411 F. Supp. 3d 397, 404 (E.D. Ky. 2019); Schardein v. State Auto. Ins. Co., No. 12-288-C, U.S. Dist. LEXIS 180746 *4 (W.D. Ky. Dec. 21, 2012).

[91] Metro. Life Ins. Co. v. Ward, 470 U.S. 869, 869 (1985).

[92] Id.

[93] U.S. Const. art. IV, § 2, cl. 1.

[94] Chemerinsky, supra note 75, at 476. 

[95] Duncan v. Louisiana, 391 U.S. 145, 166 (1968) (“What more precious ‘privilege’ of American citizenship could there be than that privilege to claim the protections of our great Bill of Rights?”).

[96] Blake v. McClung, 172 U.S. 239, 249 (1998).

[97] United Bldg. & Constr. Trades Council v. Camden, 465 U.S. 208, 219 (1984) (“[T]he pursuit of a common calling is one of the most fundamental of those privileges protected by the [Privileges and Immunities] Clause.”).

[98] Sup. Ct. of N.H. v. Piper, 470 U.S. 274, 281 (1985) (discussing the privileges and immunities clause in terms of a particular trade); Toomer v. Witsell, 334 U.S. 385, 395 (1948) (discussing the privileges and immunities clause in terms of paying an equal licensing fee).

[99] Baldwin v. Fish & Game Comm’n, 436 U.S 371, 388 (1978) (holding that elk hunting by nonresidents in Montana was not a fundamental right under the Privileges and Immunities Clause).

[100] See Robert H. Jackson, Full Faith and Credit—The Lawyer’s Clause of the Constitution, 45 Colum. L. Rev. 1, 2 (1945).

[101] Douglas Laycock, Equal Citizens of Equal and Territorial States: The Constitutional Foundations of Choice of Law, 92 Colum. L. Rev. 249, 257 (1992).

[102] Id.; Hughes v. Fetter, 341 U.S. 609, 613 (1951) (holding that a state’s refusal to enforce the law of the state where the injury occurred violates the Full Faith and Credit Clause).

[103] Laycock, supra note 101, at 265. 

[104] Id. at 258–59.

[105] See id. at 268, 278.

[106] E.g., Baldwin v. Fish and Game Comm’n., 436 U.S. 371, 380 (1978) (noting that “the contours of [the Privileges and Immunities Clause] are not well developed”).

[107] Kermit Roosevelt III, The Myth of Choice of Law: Rethinking Conflicts, 97 Mich. L. Rev. 2448, 2517 (1999).

[108] Id. at 2453.

[109] Laycock, supra note 101, at 268, 278.

[110] Id. at 266.

[111] See Part II, supra pp. 9­–12.

[112] Laycock, supra note 101, at 266.

[113] See id. at 257 (noting that the Court has not invalidated a state conflict-of-law decision under any constitutional provision since 1951).

[114] Laycock, supra note 101, at 266.

[115] U.S. Const.  amend. XIV (emphasis added).

[116] Laycock, supra note 101, at 266.

The USMCA: An Ideal "New NAFTA?"

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Robert HudsonI

Introduction 

On December 8th, 1993, President Bill Clinton signed the North American Free Trade Agreement (“NAFTA”), a treaty that eliminated trade barriers between the United States, Canada, and Mexico.2 At the time, Mexico’s tariffs were five times higher than the United States’ tariffs.3Supporters of the agreement touted job creation and lower costs for consumers, but detractors warned it would cause a “giant sucking sound” of jobs flowing to Mexico.4 After signing, President Clinton remarked, “I believe that NAFTA will create a million jobs in the first five years of its impact. And I believe that that is many more jobs than will be lost, as inevitably some will be as always happens when you open up the mix to a new range of competition.”[5]

As President Clinton candidly observed, free trade agreements can reshape industries and leave many people unemployed for a period of time. About one-third of U.S. residents do not support free trade.[6] Unlike free trade’s immediate burden of worker displacement, free trade benefits typically indirectly filter through the larger populations over time.[7] Free trade agreements can make products less costly for consumers, spur economic growth, and encourage technological advances through increased competition.[8] Economists generally agree that the “diffuse and long-term benefits” of free trade outweigh the “concentrated short-term costs.”[9]

NAFTA and its successor agreement, the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (“USMCA”), embody the free trade debate.[10] NAFTA brought lower prices to consumers and allowed U.S. agriculture to flourish with tariff-free exports to Mexico, but it contributed to the U.S. manufacturing decline by incentivizing companies to outsource to low-wage regions in Mexico.[11] Noting the manufacturing job loss, President Trump negotiated the USMCA, often referred to as the “new NAFTA,” which replaced NAFTA on July 1, 2020.[12] As this Note will discuss, the USMCA strays away from free trade principles in an effort to stimulate U.S. manufacturing.[13]

This Note addresses the USMCA’s key impacts in comparison to NAFTA. Because Mexico is one of the U.S.’s largest trade partners and because U.S. trade with Mexico is a common subject of political debate, this Note focuses primarily on NAFTA and the USMCA as they relate to the U.S.-Mexico trade relationship.[14] Part I of this Note provides an overview of NAFTA and the USMCA. Part II discusses NAFTA’s effects on the U.S. agricultural sector, a key beneficiary of NAFTA, and argues that the USMCA is a slight improvement over NAFTA for that sector. Part III analyzes NAFTA’s effects on the U.S. manufacturing sector and argues that the USMCA poses significant risks to that sector. Finally, part IV concludes by advocating that the USMCA is unlikely to lead to substantial U.S. economic improvements over NAFTA.

I. Overview of NAFTA and the USMCA

A.  NAFTA Ushered in an Era of Increased Trade and Large Deficits

Technological developments and increasing trade with other countries complicate the determination of NAFTA’s precise effects on the North American economy.[15] Still, the agreement clearly proliferated trade between the North American countries.[16] From 1993 to 2015, trade between the United States and Mexico more than quintupled, increasing from $85.2 billion to $481.5 billion.[17]

NAFTA simultaneously ushered in unprecedented trade deficits with Mexico. A trade deficit occurs when a country imports more than it exports.[18] The world’s most prosperous countries often run trade deficits in certain areas, but elected officials and voters generally prefer trade surpluses.[19] In the nine years immediately preceding NAFTA, the U.S. averaged a $1.5 billion goods trade deficit with Mexico, and enjoyed a surplus three out of the nine years.[20] In NAFTA’s first ten years, the U.S. goods trade with Mexico averaged a $21.8 billion deficit which continues to grow.[21]NAFTA went into force on January 1, 1994.[22] Goods trade with Mexico between 1994 and 2019 averaged a $47.6 billion deficit, including a staggering $101.4 billion in 2019.[23] Since 1995, the U.S. has not experienced a single goods trade surplus with Mexico.[24]

These trade deficits are more than just numbers—they represent U.S. workers forced to change careers in an uncertain time. By 2010, trade deficits with Mexico eliminated an estimated 682,900 jobs, 60% of which were in manufacturing.[25] Manufacturing employment in the U.S. declined by 30% between 1993 and 2016.[26] Mexico often experienced manufacturing trade deficits with the U.S. before NAFTA, but the country now enjoys a manufacturing trade surplus of over $58 billion.[27] Abandoned factories and displaced workers in Ohio and Michigan illustrate the effects of the post-NAFTA trade imbalance with Mexico.[28] Meanwhile, U.S. farmers excelled under NAFTA.[29] The U.S. experienced an agricultural trade surplus with Mexico for twenty of the agreement’s first twenty-three years.[30]

Since the beginning of his campaign, President Trump repeatedly called for the repeal or renegotiation of NAFTA, referring to it as the “worst trade deal in history.[31] In May of 2018, Trump imposed tariffs on steel and aluminum imports from Mexico and Canada, effectively violating NAFTA.[32] Less than a week later, Mexico enacted retaliatory tariffs on various U.S. exports to Mexico, including agricultural products.[33] Canada followed suit and enacted similar tariffs in July 2018.[34]

B. The USMCA Emerges as the “New NAFTA”

On September 30, 2018, the dust settled from the trade disputes and the United States, Mexico, and Canada negotiated a NAFTA replacement: the USMCA.[35] The USMCA retains tariff-free treatment for all products that were tariff-free under NAFTA, but also provides farmers with new access to Canadian markets.[36] The USMCA aims to revitalize U.S. manufacturing by raising labor standards for Mexican workers and employing “rules of origin” provisions, which condition tariff-free treatment on a certain percentage of a finished good’s components being manufactured in the NAFTA region.[37]

II. U.S. Agriculture: NAFTA vs. The USMCA

A. U.S. Agriculture Under NAFTA

i.  The U.S. Agricultural Sector Flourished Under NAFTA

U.S. farmers fared well under NAFTA. Over eighty agricultural groups and corporations, representing every sector of the agricultural industry, petitioned jointly to the U.S. Secretary of Commerce explaining NAFTA’s positive impacts on the industry.[38] Removal of trade barriers within the NAFTA region gave U.S. farmers access to new customers, which massively increased agricultural exports.[39] Under NAFTA, U.S. agricultural exports to Mexico more than quintupled.[40]

NAFTA helped Mexico and Canada to become critical sources of supply and demand for U.S. farmers.[41] According to the United States Department of Agriculture (“USDA”) NAFTA supported 25,000 jobs related to corn farming and facilitated one-third of U.S. pork exports and over half of U.S. vegetable exports.[42] NAFTA set the stage for Mexico to become the U.S.’s top export customer for several U.S. grown products, including beef, rice, soybean meal, corn sweeteners, and apples.[43]

U.S. government subsidies, particularly with respect to corn production, helped American farmers excel under NAFTA.[44] Mexico is the U.S. corn industry’s biggest customer.[45] Before NAFTA, the Mexican government limited corn imports to times when its own production failed to meet the country’s needs.[46] NAFTA prohibited Mexico from limiting its corn imports but still allowed the U.S. to subsidize its farmers.[47] After NAFTA, U.S. corn quickly flooded the Mexican market.[48] More corn drove down the price of corn in Mexico, which meant that many Mexican farmers could no longer sell corn at a price sufficient to support themselves.[49] In NAFTA’s first decade, over 900,000 Mexican farmers lost their jobs.[50]

NAFTA is not without criticism from U.S. farmers. The last few decades have marked a decline of local family farms and the rise of large, industrial farms.[51] NAFTA increased the “size of the pie,” but industrial farms now “control most of the slices.”[52] Despite the massive increase in agricultural exports, America shed over 100,000 farms between 2011 and 2018.[53]  NAFTA and globalization in general likely contributed to the industry consolidation.[54] Generally, free trade agreements allow farmers from all over the world to sell their crops in U.S. markets, which makes prices lower and more volatile.[55] Large industrial farms typically operate with lower costs, which allows them to sell at lower prices and withstand price fluctuations.[56]

According to the USDA, the change in industry composition “reflects a farm economy experiencing rapid technological change.”[57] Farms that implement new technology can produce more crops at cheaper prices, which naturally drives out smaller, less efficient competing farmers. Ultimately, NAFTA simply facilitated unobstructed access to new markets, which expanded the industry and naturally propelled larger businesses to the top.[58]Placing trade barriers against Mexico, inevitably prompting retaliatory tariffs and reducing demand for U.S. crops from all farmers, is simply not a preferred method for curbing consolidation in the agricultural sector.

Farmers also criticize NAFTA because it allowed Canada to retain a pricing system that discriminated against U.S. farmers.[59] Canada applies a strict import quota system on dairy products and levies tariffs as high as 300% for imports that exceed the quota.[60] In 2017, Canada imposed even more protections for its dairy industry by implementing a milk pricing system.[61] Fortunately, the USMCA limits Canada’s ability to impose these trade barriers.[62]

ii. Post-2015 Agricultural Trade Deficits Illustrate 

the Danger of Trade Barriers

NAFTA’s success for the agricultural sector may be reflected by the U.S.-Mexico agricultural trade balance. The U.S. experienced an agricultural trade surplus with Mexico every year between 1991 and 2015.[63] Between 2016 and 2018, however, the U.S. averaged a $6 billion trade deficit with Mexico.[64] Three factors primarily caused these deficits.

 First, the U.S. dollar has been relatively strong compared to the Mexican Peso since 2015.[65] A stronger currency results in cheaper imports and more expensive exports.[66] With most countries, the value of its currency fluctuates with the strength of the economy.[67] Generally, the stronger the economy, the higher-priced the currency.[68] Lower priced currency makes a country’s exports more competitive.[69] For example, suppose that the dollar is priced highly so that two pesos are worth one dollar. Mexican citizens would have to spend two pesos to buy a U.S. product worth one dollar, but U.S. residents would only need to spend one dollar to buy a Mexican product worth two pesos. In fact, “Mexico’s exchange rates exhibit almost perfect negative correlation with [the U.S.] agricultural trade surplus and deficit.”[70] As the dollar strengthens, exports to Mexico decrease, adversely affecting the U.S. trade balance.[71]

Second, the prices of primary U.S. agricultural exports fell.[72] If the crops sold in 2017 were sold at 2012 prices, when crops were selling at a record high, the deficit would have been drastically reduced.[73] Third, President Trump’s trade disputes increased the deficits. In response to President Trump’s threats to withdraw from NAFTA, Mexican farming operations lost confidence in the U.S. as a reliable supplier and began to search for alternate sources.[74] In 2017, Mexican buyers imported ten times more corn from Brazil than in 2016.[75]  

In May 2018, President Trump enacted tariffs against Mexican imports, to which Mexico responded with retaliatory tariffs.[76] The Congressional Research Service (“CRS”) predicted that retaliatory tariffs could adversely impact U.S. farmers by eroding their competitiveness in foreign markets.[77] The CRS also noted that if the tariffs remain in effect long-term, U.S. farmers could lose their market share as suppliers seek out cheaper alternatives.[78] A Purdue University study predicted U.S. agricultural exports could be reduced by as much as $8 billion after markets adjust to the retaliatory tariffs.[79]

The effects of Mexico’s past retaliatory tariffs lend credence to these predictions. In response to the U.S.’s violation of NAFTA trucking provisions, Mexico levied retaliatory tariffs against U.S. agricultural products from 2009 until 2011.[80] During this period of tariffs, U.S. agricultural exports to Mexico fell by $1.1 billion—a reduction of nearly 22%.[81] Mexico’s history of retaliatory tariffs illustrates the need for the USMCA to retain tariff-free treatment of U.S. agricultural exports. 

 B. The USMCA Improves the U.S. Agricultural Trade Position

The USMCA leaves the NAFTA agricultural provisions largely unchanged.[82] Under the USMCA, “[a]ll food and agriculture products that [had] zero tariffs under the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) will remain at zero tariffs.”[83] As its key agricultural change, the USMCA expanded access to the Canadian market.[84] The USMCA keeps Canada’s import quota and dairy pricing systems largely in place but allows the U.S. to export more “class 7” dairy products to Canada.[85] This increased dairy access amounts to an additional 2.6% of Canada’s dairy market.[86] The USMCA also allows the U.S. to export to Canada more chicken, turkey, and eggs.[87]

The U.S. Farm Bureau predicts that the USMCA will increase U.S. agricultural exports by $2 billion and increase gross domestic product by $65 billion.[88] An October 2018 study by the Farm Foundation more conservatively estimates that the USMCA would increase agricultural exports to Canada by $450 million, which is about 1% of current exports under NAFTA.[89] The USMCA will likely help U.S. farmers, because it preserves the prohibition of trade barriers between the North American countries, reduces uncertainty caused by retaliatory tariffs, and removes Canadian trade barriers. The USMCA’s potential effect on U.S. manufacturing, however, is far less clear. 

III. U.S. Manufacturing: NAFTA vs. The USMCA

A. U.S. Manufacturing Suffered Under NAFTA, But Not Because of NAFTA

i. The U.S. Manufacturing Decline

Foreign goods, in 1960, made up only 8% of U.S. purchases.[90] By 2011, that number rose to nearly 60%.[91] As U.S. residents purchased less U.S.-made goods, U.S. factories laid off workers.[92] Since January 2000, U.S. manufacturing employment has fallen approximately 30%, from 17.2 million jobs to 12.2 million jobs.[93] The U.S. automobile industry alone lost 350,000 jobs—approximately 1/3 of all workers—during NAFTA’s first two decades.[94]

Some economists attribute the manufacturing decline to increased technology rather than free trade.[95] Automation allows factories to produce more products using fewer employees, which causes job loss.[96] Still, NAFTA’s enactment clearly coincides with a decrease in U.S. manufacturing and an increase in Mexican manufacturing. U.S. foreign direct investment (“FDI”) in Mexico statistics support this conclusion.[97] Generally, FDI occurs when a company invests in operations in a different country.[98] Businesses commonly produce FDI by building a new factory in another country or by purchasing an existing business in another country.[99] From 1993 to 2017, U.S. FDI in Mexico increased over 600% from $15.2 billion to $109.7 billion.[100] Under NAFTA, more U.S. companies invested resources in their operations in Mexico.[101]

The disparity in manufacturing wages between the U.S. and Mexico incentivizes companies to relocate south of the border.[102] For example, in the late 2000s, Delphi Automotive, once one of the largest employers in northern Ohio, relocated their factory from northern Ohio to Mexico.[103]Delphi employees in Ohio made $30 per hour, but Delphi employees in Mexico earn only $1 per hour.[104] Another company, Brake Parts Inc., manufactured brake calipers in California for nearly thirty years.[105] In 2015, Brake Parts laid off 280 workers and relocated their factory to Mexico.[106] A Brake Parts executive explained that the company’s competitors were located in Mexico where they could pay workers only $3.50 to $4 per hour.[107] Yet another company, Rexnord Corp., laid off 300 workers and moved their factory from Indianapolis to Mexico.[108] Relocation to Mexico reduced Rexnord’s labor costs from $25 per hour with benefits to only $3 per hour without benefits—a cost savings of $15.5 million per year.[109] Mondelez International, another company that relocated to Mexico, claimed its move saved $46 million per year.[110]

Low wages in Mexico present a tempting opportunity to lower costs and maximize profits. Some may say greed drives these moves, but relocating can become a borderline necessity for a company after its competitors relocate. It is very difficult for a company paying workers $25 per hour to compete with a company in the same industry paying workers $3 per hour for the same work. Before NAFTA, the U.S. could mitigate the incentive to relocate by enacting trade barriers, but NAFTA prevented any such remedy.[111]

ii. China May Be Primarily Responsible for the U.S. Manufacturing Decline 

Many economists argue that China, not NAFTA, caused the decline in U.S. manufacturing.[112]  From 2012 to 2019, the U.S. averaged a $354 billion trade deficit with China and only a $67.9 million trade deficit with Mexico.[113] The trade deficit with China has quintupled since 2001, the year China joined the World Trade Organization (“WTO”).[114] This five-fold increase caused 3.4 million lost U.S. jobs, nearly 75% of which were in manufacturing.[115] FDI figures also suggest that U.S. companies are diverting an increasing amount of resources to China operations. From 2001 to 2019, U.S. FDI in China increased ten-fold from approximately $12 billion to approximately $116 billion.[116] According to a professor at the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania, an Ivy League business school, the U.S.-China trade imbalance means that “for every job we have lost in the U.S. to Mexico, five [jobs] were lost to China.”[117]

Cheap Chinese currency and low Chinese wages power the U.S. job loss.[118] China controls its currency prices so that its currency is almost always cheaper than the dollar, which makes their goods cheaper than U.S. goods.[119] Additionally, China’s manufacturing sector is competitive because the country’s low cost of living and subpar workers’ rights allow companies to pay their workers very low wages.[120] In 2018, Chinese manufacturing workers were paid an average $5.51 per hour,[121] while U.S. manufacturing workers were paid an average of $26.97 per hour—a disparity of over $20 per hour.[122] Other Asian countries pay as little as $2.73 per hour.[123] While Chinese wages are consistently rising in comparison to other Asian countries, U.S. manufacturing wages remain far less competitive than Chinese manufacturing wages.[124]

iii. U.S. Manufacturing May Have Fared Worse Without NAFTA

Many economists credit NAFTA for making the U.S. manufacturing more globally competitive by developing supply chains across North America.[125] Much of the trade between the U.S. and Mexico occurs in the context of production sharing, with each country involved in different manufacturing steps with respect to the same final product.[126]  Taking advantage of cheap labor, many companies produce basic parts in Mexico and ship them to the U.S. to assemble the more complicated finished products.[127] Despite the U.S. automobile industry shedding a third of its workforce, the total value added by car and car part makers in the U.S. is only slightly lower than it was in NAFTA’s first year.[128] Underscoring the integration of manufacturing between the U.S. and Mexico, Delphi Automotive’s CFO warned that if the border were closed to trade, “in less than a week, all of the people who voted for [Trump] in Michigan and Ohio would be out of work.”[129]

The automobile industry is especially integrated between the U.S. and Mexico. For example, the Honda CR-V is assembled in Mexico, but roughly 70% of its content is either U.S. or Canadian.[130] This supply chain integration contributes to the 4.9 million U.S. jobs created by trade with Mexico.[131] This means that one out of twenty-nine U.S. jobs depends on the country’s economic relationship with Mexico.[132] Gordon Hanson, a professor at the University of California, San Diego, explained to the New York Times that “[w]ithout the ability to move lower-wage jobs to Mexico we would have lost the whole [automobile] industry.”[133]

From a cost perspective, low wages in Mexico provide an integral way for the U.S. to compete with Asia’s wages.[134] Without NAFTA, it could be cheaper for companies to simply abandon the U.S.’s expensive labor entirely rather than incorporate the U.S. into their supply chains. A trade agreement that levies high tariffs on U.S. imports from Mexico could eliminate the cost feasibility of the NAFTA region. Instead of forcing manufacturing jobs back into the United States, high tariffs against Mexico have the potential to do just the opposite. 

B. The USMCA and Manufacturing

i. “Rules of Origin” Provisions

The USMCA implements “rules of origin” provisions to encourage manufacturers to employ more U.S. workers.[135] Rules of origin provisions condition tariff-free treatment on exported finished goods using a certain percentage of components that were manufactured in the NAFTA region.[136] Goods that do not meet the rules of origin requirements are subject to the “most-favored-nation” tariff rate.[137] The USMCA increases the required percentage of components manufactured in a NAFTA region for several manufacturing industries, including automobiles, textiles, and cosmetics.[138] The automobile rules of origin provisions may have the largest impact on the North American economy. At 3.5% of the U.S. gross domestic product, the automobile industry is one of the most important segments of the U.S. economy.[139]

The USMCA contains several rules of origin provisions intended to stimulate growth in the U.S. automobile industry. The USMCA increases NAFTA’s rule of origin requirement by requiring at least 75% of an automobile’s components to be manufactured in the NAFTA region.[140] That number was 62.5% under NAFTA.[141] In addition, 70% of a vehicle’s steel and aluminum must originate in North America.[142]

The USMCA’s automobile rules of origin requirements could incentivize automobile producers to incorporate more of their supply chains in the NAFTA region. Under NAFTA, automobile producers have arranged their supply chains in the most efficient ways possible including sourcing some parts from outside of the NAFTA region.[143] Faced with the new 75% requirement, businesses will likely compare the costs of changing their supply chains to the cost of a tariff and take whichever route is cheaper. Because automobile companies generally prefer to keep component sources near assembly plants to minimize delays, the 75% requirement may prompt companies to integrate more of their supply chains into the NAFTA-region.[144]

If businesses incorporate more of their supply chains into the NAFTA region, employment numbers will rise, but so will prices for consumers.[145] If automobile manufacturers modify their pre-USMCA cost-minimizing supply chains to source more parts from the NAFTA region, they will likely pay more for those parts than before.[146] Manufacturers may be able to absorb a portion of the costs as lost profit or renegotiate supply contracts to push costs up the supply chain, but some of the cost increase will inevitably flow to consumer prices.[147]

Automobile executives anticipate cost increases caused by the USMCA.[148] In a 2018 survey of 100 U.S.-based automotive executives, 63% expected USMCA-related production cost increases and 58% believed the costs will be passed onto consumers.[149] Many of the executives already took concrete steps to comply with the new USMCA requirements.[150] Thirty-six percent are negotiating with suppliers to seek production-related cost savings and “[s]eventy-eight percent cite[d] finding North American suppliers or identifying alternate suppliers as a near-term priority for their supply chains.”[151]

While the 75% requirement could increase North American employment, it could lead to the opposite result, with supply chains becoming even more outsourced. To receive tariff-free treatment under NAFTA, companies had to incorporate at least 62.5% of their supply chains in the NAFTA region.[152] If increasing to 75% proves too burdensome, simply paying the tariff will become the preferred option. After paying the tariff, there will be no trade barrier incentives to encourage companies to incorporate even 62.5% of their supply chains in the NAFTA region. Absent trade agreements levying tariffs against other countries, businesses will be free to source parts from anywhere in the world. 

ii. Automobile Wage Provisions

Even if the rules of origin requirements bring jobs back to the NAFTA region, many of those jobs will go to lower-cost regions in Mexico. To address this issue, the USMCA contains several wage and workers’ rights provisions that increase the cost of doing business in Mexico.[153] First, “[a]t least 40% of the value of a passenger car and 45% of a light truck must be made by workers earning at an average of $16 per hour.”[154]Second, Mexico must pass pro-unionization laws.[155] Automotive companies that do not meet the above requirements will be subject to the most-favored-nation tariff of 2.5%.[156] A committee will be formed to monitor Mexico’s progress on labor issues against clear benchmarks set by the agreement.[157] NAFTA did not contain any provisions related to wages or workers’ rights.[158]

Automobile manufacturers faced with the new USMCA wage provisions will therefore have three primary courses of action: (1) pay 40% to 45% of workers at least $16 per hour; (2) pay the 2.5% tariff and keep wages the same; or (3) if wages overseas are cheaper than wages in the NAFTA region, and that cost savings outweighs the costs and uncertainties associated with relocation, leave the NAFTA region for countries with cheaper wages.

The average hourly wage for automobile assembly workers in Mexico was $7.34 in 2017.[159] In the U.S., workers involved in motor vehicles and parts manufacturing were paid $23.50 per hour on average in 2019.[160] In China, the average automobile industry wage was between $5.00 and $6.00 per hour in 2017.[161] Automobile industry wages are even cheaper in other Asian countries. In India, for example, the average automobile industry wage was only $1.09 per hour in 2017.[162]

The USMCA wage provisions could incentivize manufacturers to hire more U.S. workers by making Mexican workers more expensive. However, the $16 per hour required wage is still almost $8 per hour less than the U.S. average automobile industry wage.[163] Therefore, it could also incentivize manufacturers to simply raise wages for their workers in Mexico. In response to the wage requirements, several automobile manufacturers in Mexico have already chosen to triple their Mexican wages rather than relocate to the U.S.[164] More importantly, it could cause automobile manufacturers to pay a tariff and leave Mexico for lower-cost regions, such as India or China.[165] If manufacturers in Mexico leave for Asia, connected manufacturers in the U.S. would likely lay off workers. 

USMCA proponents cite several points in arguing why manufacturers in Mexico will be unlikely to relocate to Asia. First, due to integrated supply chains, many North American car makers in the U.S. already conform with the requirement that 40% of the car be produced where the workers make at least $16 an hour.[166] Second, the USMCA contains a sunset clause, which allows the countries to renegotiate or end the agreement in as early as six years and provides for the agreement to expire automatically after sixteen years if not specifically renewed.[167] By injecting a layer of uncertainty into the USMCA provisions, the sunset clause discourages companies from relocating. If companies decide to move to another country, important USMCA provisions could completely change shortly after they establish their operations. Third, based on an assumption that free trade will continue, automobile companies have invested billions of dollars in new North American factories.[168] Moving to Asia would require millions, if not billions of dollars in new investments, all of which could prove too risky given the sunset clause and today’s tumultuous trade climate. 

Whether the USMCA will create more employment in the U.S. manufacturing sector depends on thousands of decisions by individual companies, including decisions that turn on factors aside from the USMCA. Still, the USMCA presents two points of certainty. First, its sourcing and wage provisions, by increasing costs, necessarily make Asia a more attractive business location from a cost standpoint. Second, if the USMCA works as intended and companies employ more U.S. workers, costs to automobile companies will rise, which will increase the price of U.S. cars and render them less competitive in the global marketplace.[169] 

IV.  Conclusion

The substantial difference between wages in the U.S. and competing countries undermines U.S. manufacturing’s ability to secure a competitive advantage. NAFTA allowed manufacturing companies to take advantage of low wages in Mexico while still employing U.S. workers by assembling basic parts in Mexico and undertaking more complex work in the U.S.[170] Though the U.S. lost millions of manufacturing jobs under NAFTA, even more could have lost their jobs to Asia without NAFTA.[171] The U.S. should preserve, rather than diminish, manufacturing companies’ ability to take advantage of low wages in Mexico while still employing U.S. workers.  

Through its protectionist labor, source, and trade requirements, the USMCA represents a bold, risky step in the wrong direction. The USMCA could create some U.S. jobs by encouraging companies to source more parts in North America and increasing labor costs in Mexico, but it will raise costs for automobile manufacturers and consumers. Because businesses will direct capital to its most profitable use, the USMCA’s added costs could encourage automobile companies to consider outsourcing to Asia even more. The USMCA will help U.S. farmers by slightly expanding market access into Canada, but these relatively modest agricultural gains could be substantially outweighed by the risks it poses to the much larger U.S. manufacturing industry. 

I J.D. Candidate 2021, University of Kentucky J. David Rosenberg College of Law; B.S. in Accounting and Economics, University of Kentucky. 

2 Anne Sraders, What Is NAFTA? History, Purpose and What It Means in 2019, TheStreet (Aug. 22, 2019, 12:34 PM), https://www.thestreet.com/politics/nafta-north-american-free-trade-agreement-14651970 [https://perma.cc/J7GJ-P3FJ].

3 M. Angeles Villarreal & Ian F. Fergusson, Cong. Research Serv., R42965, The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) 6 (May 24, 2017), https://fas.org/sgp/crs/row/R42965.pdf [https://perma.cc/X3E9-D7X7].

4 Andrew Chatzky et al., NAFTA and the USMCA: Weighing the Impact of North American Trade, Council on Foreign Rel. (Jul. 1, 2020, 8:00 AM), https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/nafta-and-usmca-weighing-impact-north-american-trade [https://perma.cc/F3Y6-EXLK].

[5] Press Release, Office of the Press Secretary, Remarks by President Clinton, President Bush, President Carter, President Ford, And Vice President Gore in Signing of NAFTA Side Agreements (Sep.14, 1993) (archived by The White House), https://clintonwhitehouse6.archives.gov/1993/09/1993-09-14-remarks-by-clinton-and-former-presidents-on-nafta.html [https://perma.cc/EKS8-HF88].

[6] Mark Murray, Support for Free Trade Reaches New High in NBC/WSJ Poll, NBC News (Aug. 18, 2019, 9:00 AM), https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/meet-the-press/support-free-trade-reaches-new-high-nbc-wsj-poll-n1043601[https://perma.cc/74HN-WF8C].

[7] See Daniel Fried, Cong. Budget Off., How Preferential Trade Agreements Affect the U.S. Economy, 1–4 (Sept. 29, 2016), https://www.cbo.gov/publication/51924[https://perma.cc/P3GH-GDWS].

[8] See Brandon Scudder, Do Free Trade Agreements Encourage Economic Development in the U.S.?, NCBFAA, https://www.ncbfaa.org/Scripts/4Disapi.dll/4DCGI/cms/review.html?Action=CMS_Document&DocID=17730&MenuKey=pubs [https://perma.cc/7U6X-2JBR].

[9] Fried, supra note 7, at 1. 

[10] U.S–Mexico–Canada Agreement (USMCA), U.S. Customs and Border Prot., https://www.cbp.gov/trade/priority-issues/trade-agreements/free-trade-agreements/USMCA#:~:text=Entry%2Dinto%20Force,rules%20will%20continue%20to%20apply [https://perma.cc/C53D-4XLW].

[11] Chatzky et al., supra note 4.

[12] U.S.–Mexico–Canada Agreement (USMCA)supra note 10; Jessica Murphy & Natalie Sherman, USMCA Trade Deal: Who Gets What From 'New Nafta'?, BBC News(Oct. 1, 2018), https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-45674261 [https://perma.cc/KV62-V8HL].

[13] See United States–Mexico–Canada Trade Fact Sheet Rebalancing Trade to Support Manufacturing, Off. U.S. Trade Representative, https://ustr.gov/trade-agreements/free-trade-agreements/united-states-mexico-canada-agreement/fact-sheets/rebalancing [https://perma.cc/3UTH-XMM4] [hereinafter Rebalancing Trade to Support Manufacturing].

[14] Ken Roberts, Mexico is Now Top U.S. Trade Partner, Ahead of China, Canada, Forbes (Apr. 26, 2019, 5:07 AM), https://www.forbes.com/sites/kenroberts/2019/04/26/mexico-is-now-top-u-s-trade-partner-ahead-of-china-canada/?sh=6a1522a349fb [https://perma.cc/38SY-N9PK].

[15] See David Floyd, NAFTA's Winners and Losers, Investopedia (Nov. 11, 2020), https://www.investopedia.com/articles/economics/08/north-american-free-trade-agreement.asp/ [https://perma.cc/B2HT-AQQ8].

[16] Id.

[17] Id.

[18] Will Kenton, Trade Surplus, Investopedia (Nov. 22, 2020), https://www.investopedia.com/terms/t/trade-surplus.asp [https://perma.cc/6B9H-WZXC]; see also Jared Bernstein & Dean Baker, Why Trade Deficits Matter, Atlantic (Dec. 8, 2016), https://www.theatlantic.com/business/archive/2016/12/trump-trade-deficit/509912/  [https://perma.cc/9KRR-DJK8].

[19] See generally, James McBride & Andrew Chatzky, The U.S. Trade Deficit: How Much Does It Matter?, Council on Foreign Rel. (Mar. 8, 2019, 7:00 AM), https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/us-trade-deficit-how-much-does-it-matter [https://perma.cc/BE47-LP7D] (discussing the arguments for and against trade deficits); see alsoBalance of Trade, Trading Econ., https://tradingeconomics.com/country-list/balance-of-trade [https://perma.cc/79U8-UCGV] (showing different countries with trade deficits). 

[20] Trade in Goods with Mexico, U.S. Census Bureau, https://www.census.gov/foreign-trade/balance/c2010.html [https://perma.cc/FQG7-EA3R]. Trade with foreign countries is measured in two forms: “goods” (also known as “merchandise”) trade and “services” trade which includes business and financial services. See M. Angeles Villarreal, Cong. Research Serv., IF11175, US-Mexico Trade Relations (April 9, 2019), https://fas.org/sgp/crs/row/IF11175.pdf [https://perma.cc/SX96-QDPA] [hereinafter Villarreal IF11175]. The U.S. Census Bureau defines “goods” as “[m]erchandise, supplies, raw materials, and products or any other item identified by a Harmonized System (HS) code,” and describes six types of import and export services: “Travel; Passenger Fares; Other Transportation; Royalties and License Fees; Other Private Services; and U.S. Government Miscellaneous Services” as well as an additional service category titled “Transfers Under U.S. Military Sales Contracts” for exports and “Direct Defense Expenditures” for imports. Foreign Trade: Trade Definitions, U.S. Census Bureau (Oct. 6, 2020), https://www.census.gov/foreign-trade/reference/definitions/index.html[https://perma.cc/8B2P-25BK]

[21] See Trade in Goods with Mexicosupra note 20. 

[22] Villarreal IF11175supra note 20.

[23] Trade in Goods with Mexicosupra note 20. The U.S. typically experiences a modest surplus in services trade with Mexico, but the goods trade deficit overshadows it tenfold. Villarreal IF11175supra note 20.

[24] Trade in Goods with Mexicosupra note 20.

[25] NAFTA, 20 Years Later: Do the Benefits Outweigh the Costs?, Wharton Univ. of Pa. (Feb. 19, 2019), https://knowledge.wharton.upenn.edu/article/nafta-20-years-later-benefits-outweigh-costs/ [https://perma.cc/2HPA-MAC3].

[26] Floyd, supra note 15.

[27] Id.

[28] See Kate Linthicum, A Tale of Two Cities: What Happened When Factory Jobs Moved from Warren, Ohio, to Juarez, Mexico, L.A. Times (Feb. 17, 2017, 11:51 AM), https://www.latimes.com/world/mexico-americas/la-fg-mexico-us-factories-20170217-htmlstory.html [https://perma.cc/X8ML-HNEQ].

[29] Jenny Hopkinson, Cong. Research Serv., IN10962, Agricultural Trade with Mexico and the Preliminary U.S.-Mexico Agreement in NAFTA Negotiations 1 (Aug. 29, 2018), https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/IN/IN10962 [https://perma.cc/FKV7-PBHQ] [Hopkinson IN10962].

[30] Farmers Fear Impact of U.S. Exit from NAFTA, CBS News (May 19, 2017, 11:03 AM), https://www.cbsnews.com/news/farmers-fear-impact-of-u-s-exit-from-nafta/[https://perma.cc/JEB9-PVN3]

[31] Clark Packard, The New U.S.-Mexico-Canada Trade Deal Can Work for Everyone, Foreign Pol’y (July 15, 2019, 3:01 PM), https://foreignpolicy.com/2019/07/15/the-new-u-s-mexico-canada-trade-deal-can-work-for-everyone/ [https://perma.cc/VXS6-U6TY].

[32] Heather Long, Trump has Officially Put More Tariffs on U.S. Allies Than on China, Wash. Post (May 31, 2018, 5:34 PM), https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/wonk/wp/2018/05/31/trump-has-officially-put-more-tariffs-on-u-s-allies-than-on-china/ [https://perma.cc/Z43J-RC8D].

[33] Ana Swanson & Jim Tankersley, Mexico, Hitting Back, Imposes Tariffs on $3 Billion Worth of U.S. Goods, N.Y. Times (June 5, 2018), https://www.nytimes.com/2018/06/05/us/politics/trump-trade-canada-mexico-nafta.html [https://perma.cc/8RU9-E5PP].

[34] Canada Retaliatory Tariffs on US Goods Come Into Force, BBC News (July 1, 2018), https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-44635490 [https://perma.cc/GV8U-ELF5].

[35] Katie Dangerfield, NAFTA Deal Reached: Canada, U.S., Mexico Reach Trade Agreement Under New Name, Global News (Sept. 30, 2018, 9:13 PM), https://globalnews.ca/news/4500068/nafta-2018-agreement-finalized/ [https://perma.cc/VW6H-XPV8].

[36] See FAS Directive 0202.19, Secretary Perdue Statement on USMCA Agreement (U.S.D.A. 2019), https://www.fas.usda.gov/newsroom/secretary-perdue-statement-usmca-agreement [https://perma.cc/EV96-TUVN]; Rob Portman, USMCA is a Needed Upgrade From NAFTA. Let’s Get it Passed., Wash. Post (Sept. 9, 2019, 2:17 PM), https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/usmca-is-a-needed-upgrade-from-nafta-lets-get-it-passed/2019/09/09/c31e1862-d015-11e9-b29b-a528dc82154a_story.html[https://perma.cc/9LKP-RFSD].

[37] See Rebalancing Trade to Support Manufacturing, supra note 13.

[38] NAFTA’s Impact on U.S. Agriculture, CME Group (May 1, 2018), https://www.cmegroup.com/education/articles-and-reports/naftas-impact-on-us-agriculture.html[https://perma.cc/2NZH-B4S2].

[39] Jacob Bunge, U.S. Farmers Welcome New North American Trade Pact, Wall St. J. (Oct. 1, 2018, 2:01 PM), https://www.wsj.com/articles/u-s-farmers-welcome-new-trade-pact-with-mexico-canada-1538401359 [https://perma.cc/B625-6X46].

[40] From 1991 to 1993, U.S. agricultural exports to Mexico averaged $3.5 billion which jumped to over $18 billion from 2014 to 2017. Hopkinson IN10962, supra note 29. 

[41] Bunge, supra note 39.  

[42] Id.

[43] Kevin Skunes, NAFTA has Helped Grow American Agriculture for Two Decades, Hill (Jan. 23, 2018, 5:45 PM), https://thehill.com/opinion/energy-environment/370363-nafta-has-helped-grow-american-agriculture-for-two-decades [https://perma.cc/TMV2-BX5S]

[44] Renée Alexander, Want to Understand the Border Crisis? Look to American Corn Policy, Counter (July 24, 2018, 12:51 PM), https://thecounter.org/border-crisis-immigration-mexican-corn-nafta/ [https://perma.cc/2Z6D-VMNQ].

[45] NAFTA’s Impact on U.S. Agriculturesupra note 38. In 2017 alone, the U.S. exported $2.7 billion worth of corn to Mexico. Id.

[46] Alexander, supra note 44.

[47] Id.

[48] Id.

[49] Id.

[50] Shasta Darlington & Patrick Gillespie, Mexican Farmer’s Daughter: NAFTA Destroyed Us, CNN Bus. (Feb. 9, 2017, 12:19 PM), https://money.cnn.com/2017/02/09/news/economy/nafta-farming-mexico-us-corn-jobs/index.html [https://perma.cc/8EGA-T3GK]. Many of these displaced farmers decided to work in factories, which contributed to the abundance of cheap labor in Mexico. See Linthicum, supra note 28. Now, most of Mexico’s agricultural output comes from large industrial farming operations. See Alexander, supra note 44.

[51] Kristina Johnson & Samuel Fromartz, NAFTA’s ‘Broken Promises’: These Farmers Say They Got The Raw End Of Trade Deal, NPR (Aug. 7, 2017, 7:00 AM), https://www.npr.org/sections/thesalt/2017/08/07/541671747/nafta-s-broken-promises-these-farmers-say-they-got-the-raw-end-of-trade-deal [https://perma.cc/8HV9-2Q38].  

[52] Id.

[53] Alana Semuels, ‘They're Trying to Wipe Us Off the Map.’ Small American Farmers Are Nearing Extinction, Time (Nov. 27, 2019, 1:16 PM), https://time.com/5736789/small-american-farmers-debt-crisis-extinction/ [https://perma.cc/8YFX-MY7A]

[54] Johnson & Fromartz, supra note 51.

[55] Semuels, supra note 53. 

[56] See id.

[57] Christopher Burns, The Number of Midsize Farms Declined From 1992 to 2012, But Their Household Finances Remain Strong, U.S. Dep’t of Agric. (Dec. 5, 2016), https://www.ers.usda.gov/amber-waves/2016/december/the-number-of-midsize-farms-declined-from-1992-to-2012-but-their-household-finances-remain-strong/[https://perma.cc/D3E7-674Z]

[58] Johnson & Fromartz, supra note 51.  

[59] Katie Lobosco, Why Canada's Dairy Market is a Target in NAFTA Talks, CNN Pol. (Sep. 5, 2018, 8:33 PM), https://www.cnn.com/2018/09/05/politics/nafta-canada-dairy-tariffs/index.html [https://perma.cc/XFG2-KZM6]

[60] Id.

[61] Id.

[62] See Heather Long, The USMCA is Finally Done. Here’s What is in It., Wash. Post (Dec. 10, 2019, 5:13 PM), https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/2019/12/10/usmca-is-finally-done-deal-after-democrats-sign-off-heres-what-is-it/ [https://perma.cc/737S-SZS4] [hereinafter The USMCA is Finally Done].

[63] See Renée Johnson, Cong. Research Serv., IF10800, Agric. Trade Balances Under NAFTA (Dec. 29, 2017), https://nationalaglawcenter.org/wp-content/uploads//assets/crs/IF10800.pdf [https://perma.cc/VHV6-FHK9].

[64] Philip Martin, Mexico-US Agricultural Trade, Wilson Center (June 24, 2020), https://www.wilsoncenter.org/article/mexico-us-agricultural-trade#:~:text=The%20US%20also%20has%20a,of%20%246%20billion%20a%20year [https://perma.cc/F5BC-55U6].

[65] Steve Burak et al., Gambling on Exports: A Review of the Facts on U.S. Agricultural Trade, Farmdoc Daily (June 8, 2018), https://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/2018/06/gambling-on-exports-review-facts-us-agri-trade.html [https://perma.cc/R2M8-Z3JZ]

[66] Id.

[67] See Tejvan Pettinger, Is a Strong Economy Generally Accompanied by a Strong Currency?, Econ. Help (Nov. 7, 2018), https://www.economicshelp.org/blog/143224/economics/is-a-strong-economy-generally-accompanied-by-a-strong-currency/ [https://perma.cc/P5PN-3F6D].

[68] Id.

[69] Burak et al., supra note 65; see also Pettinger, supra note 67. 

[70] Burak et al., supra note 65.

[71] See id. 

[72] Id.

[73] Id.

[74] P.J. Huffstutter & Adriana Barrera, Exclusive: As Trump Trashes NAFTA, Mexico Turns to Brazilian Corn, Reuters (Feb. 22, 2018, 7:35 AM), https://www.reuters.com/article/us-trump-effect-corn-exclusive/exclusive-as-trump-trashes-nafta-mexico-turns-to-brazilian-corn-idUSKCN1G61J4 [https://perma.cc/6XDP-PAA7]

[75] Id.

[76] Jenny Hopkinson, Cong. Res. Serv., R45448, Profiles and Effects of Retaliatory Tariffs on U.S. Agric. Exports 1 (Dec. 31, 2018), https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/R/R45448 [https://perma.cc/Q262-VY3W].

[77] Id.

[78] Id.

[79] Maksym Chepeliev et al., How U.S. Agriculture Will Fare Under the USMCA and Retaliatory Tariffs 18 (Glob. Trade Analysis Project, Working Paper No. 84, 2018). 

[80] ERS Directive WRS-15-01, NAFTA at 20: North America’s Free-Trade Area and Its Impact on Agriculture (U.S.D.A. 2015), https://www.ers.usda.gov/webdocs/outlooks/40485/51265_wrs-15-01.pdf?v=7367.6 [https://perma.cc/HL7X-HPUT].

[81] Id.

[82] See FAS Directive 0202.19, supra note 36.

[83] Id.

[84] See The USMCA is Finally Donesupra note 62. 

[85] Id.

[86] Bob Bryan & Joseph Zeballos-Roig, Trump's New Major Trade Deal Looks a Lot Like NAFTA. Here are Key Differences Between Them., Mkt. Insider (Dec. 10, 2019, 3:43 PM), https://markets.businessinsider.com/news/stocks/us-canada-mexico-trade-deal-usmca-nafta-details-dairy-auto-dispute-resolution-2018-10-1027579947[https://perma.cc/JA5C-B4AR]

[87] United States–Mexico–Canada Trade Fact Sheet Agriculture: Market Access and Dairy Outcomes of the USMC Agreement, Off. U.S. Trade Representative, https://ustr.gov/trade-agreements/free-trade-agreements/united-states-mexico-canada-agreement/fact-sheets/market-access-and-dairy-outcomes [https://perma.cc/Z9DJ-4ACJ].

[88] USMCA, Am. Farm Bureau Fed’n, https://www.fb.org/issues/trade/usmca/ [https://perma.cc/A3XQ-X56Y].

[89] Anita Regmi, Cong. Res. Serv., R45661, Agricultural Provisions of the U.S.-Mexico-Canada Agreement 14 (Apr. 8, 2019), https://fas.org/sgp/crs/row/R45661.pdf[https://perma.cc/8F9A-28VY]

[90] Bradley Blackburn & Eric Noll, Made in America: A Brief History of U.S. Manufacturing, ABC News (Feb. 4, 2011, 6:04 PM), https://abcnews.go.com/Business/made-america-middle-class-built-manufacturing-jobs/story?id=12916118 [https://perma.cc/3ENV-YZVS].

[91] Id.

[92] See id.; U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, All Employees, Manufacturing, FRED Econ. Data, https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/MANEMP [https://perma.cc/H2J3-8ALN]. 

[93] See U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, supra note 92.

[94] Eduardo Porter, Nafta May Have Saved Many Autoworkers’ Jobs, N.Y. Times (Mar. 29, 2016), https://www.nytimes.com/2016/03/30/business/economy/nafta-may-have-saved-many-autoworkers-jobs.html?auth=login-email&login=email [https://perma.cc/BD3M-EK72].

[95] Jeffry Bartash, China Really is to Blame for Millions of Lost U.S. Manufacturing Jobs, New Study Finds, MarketWatch (May 14, 2018, 1:30 PM), https://www.marketwatch.com/story/china-really-is-to-blame-for-millions-of-lost-us-manufacturing-jobs-new-study-finds-2018-05-14 [https://perma.cc/K2JH-PMAH].  

[96] Id.

[97] Villarreal IF11175supra note 20; M. Angeles Villarreal, Cong. Res. Serv., RL32934, U.S.-Mexico Economic Relations: Trends, Issues, and Implications (Jun. 25, 2020), https://fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL32934.pdf [https://perma.cc/AE79-X4ZR] [hereinafter Villarreal RL32934].

[98] James Chen, Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), Investopedia (Feb. 24, 2020), https://www.investopedia.com/terms/f/fdi.asp [https://perma.cc/TL38-G59J].

[99] Id.

[100] Villarreal IF11175supra note 20.

[101] Villarreal RL32934supra note 97.

[102] See Linthicum, supra note 28.

[103] Id.

[104] Id.

[105] Jim Puzzanghera, These Three U.S. Companies Moved Jobs to Mexico. Here’s Why, L.A. Times (Dec. 19, 2016, 6:00 AM), https://www.latimes.com/business/la-fi-mexico-jobs-20161212-story.html [https://perma.cc/J9W2-83HC]

[106] Id. 

[107] Id.

[108] Id.

[109] Id.

[110] Id.

[111] See Villarreal & Fergusson, supra note 3, at 5. 

[112] See, e.g., Porter, supra note 94; NAFTA, 20 Years Later: Do the Benefits Outweigh the Costs?supra note 25.

[113] Trade in Goods with China, U.S. Census Bureau, https://www.census.gov/foreign-trade/balance/c5700.html [https://perma.cc/F6C6-WD6K]; Trade in Goods with Mexicosupra note 20.

[114] Margot Roosevelt, California Lost More Manufacturing Jobs to China Than Any Other State, Report Says, L.A. Times (Jan. 30, 2020, 7:30 AM), https://www.latimes.com/business/story/2020-01-30/la-fi-california-china-trade-job-loss [https://perma.cc/J8B2-TJS2].

[115] Robert E. Scott & Zane Mokhiber, Econ. Pol’y Inst., 156645, The China Toll Deepens, 2 (Oct. 23, 2018), https://files.epi.org/pdf/156645.pdf[https://perma.cc/BYR3-HBLS].

[116] Statista Research Department, Direct Investment Position of the United States in China From 2000-2019, Statista (Dec. 9, 2020), https://www.statista.com/statistics/188629/united-states-direct-investments-in-china-since-2000/ [https://perma.cc/V2PG-DGRW].

[117] NAFTA, 20 Years Later: Do the Benefits Outweigh the Costs?supra note 25.

[118] Bartash, supra note 95; Kimberly Amadeo, US Trade Deficit With China and Why It’s So High, Balance (Jan. 21, 2021), https://www.thebalance.com/u-s-china-trade-deficit-causes-effects-and-solutions-3306277#annual-trade-deficit [https://perma.cc/Z8V7-JD3M] [hereinafter US Trade Deficit With China]; see also Scott & Mokhiber, supranote 115, at 3, 5.

[119] E.g.US Trade Deficit With Chinasupra note 118; Robert E. Scott & Will Kimball, Econ. Pol’y Inst., Briefing Paper 385, China Trade, Outsourcing and Jobs, 21 (Dec. 11, 2014), https://files.epi.org/2014/bp385-china-trade-deficit.pdf [https://perma.cc/MW72-FKRL].

[120] US Trade Deficit With Chinasupra note 118; see also Scott & Kimball, supra note 119, at 23.

[121] M. Szmigiera, Manufacturing Labor Costs Per Hour: China, Vietnam, Mexico 2016-2020, Statista (Mar. 12, 2021), https://www.statista.com/statistics/744071/manufacturing-labor-costs-per-hour-china-vietnam-mexico/ [https://perma.cc/7QEH-RTU5].

[122] Statista Research Department, Hourly Earnings in U.S. Manufacturing 2006-2019, Statista (May 11, 2020), https://www.statista.com/statistics/187380/hourly-earnings-in-us-manufacturing-since-1965/ [https://perma.cc/RT9A-G8V6].

[123] Szmigiera, supra note 121 (average manufacturing wage in Vietnam in 2018).

[124] See Sophia Yan, ‘Made in China’ Isn’t So Cheap Anymore, and That Could Spell Headache for Beijing, CNBC (Feb. 27, 2017, 12:37 AM), https://www.cnbc.com/2017/02/27/chinese-wages-rise-made-in-china-isnt-so-cheap-anymore.html [https://perma.cc/LQ39-ANA5]see also Dmitriy Plekhanov, Is China’s Era of Cheap Labor Really Over?, Diplomat (Dec. 13, 2017), https://thediplomat.com/2017/12/is-chinas-era-of-cheap-labor-really-over/ [https://perma.cc/PB88-K9GU].

[125] See Floyd, supra note 15; Villarreal & Fergusson, supra note 3, at 16; Villarreal IF11175supra note 20.

[126] Villarreal & Fergusson, supra note 3, at 16–17.

[127] Id. at 32. 

[128] Porter, supra note 94.

[129] Linthicum, supra note 28.

[130] Porter, supra note 94.

[131] Alexia Fernández Campbell, Nearly 5 Million U.S. Jobs Depend on Trade With Mexico, Atlantic (Dec. 9, 2016), https://www.theatlantic.com/business/archive/2016/12/mexico-nafta-trade/510008/ [https://perma.cc/KR9H-GX6Q]

[132] Id.

[133] Porter, supra note 94.

[134] See id.

[135] Rebalancing Trade to Support Manufacturing, supra note 13.

[136] Sue Senger, Understanding the NAFTA Rules of Origin, Shipping Solutions (May 23, 2018), https://www.shippingsolutions.com/blog/nafta-rules-of-origin-part-1[https://perma.cc/PEW3-AU8N]

[137] Id.

[138] See Rebalancing Trade to Support Manufacturingsupra note 13.

[139] Kim Hill et al., Ctr.  Automotive Res., Contribution of the Automotive Industry to the Economies of All Fifty States and the United States (Apr. 2010), https://www.cargroup.org/publication/contribution-of-the-automotive-industry-to-the-economies-of-all-fifty-state-and-the-united-states/ [https://perma.cc/4JKX-9PDX].

[140] Kimberly Amadeo, Trump’s NAFTA Changes, Balance (Feb. 4, 2021), https://www.thebalance.com/donald-trump-nafta-4111368#6-changes-to-nafta-under-the-usmca[https://perma.cc/LRT9-E9BA][hereinafter Trump’s NAFTA Changes].

[141] Id.

[142] M. Angeles Villarreal et al., Cong. Res. Serv., IF11387, USMCA: Motor Vehicle Provisions and Issues (Dec. 19, 2019), https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/IF/IF11387 [https://perma.cc/8TYP-ATLX].

[143] See Finbarr Bermingham, U.S. and Chinese Companies Fear Trump’s Coming Trade War On Car Industry, Politico (Apr. 17, 2019, 5:19 AM), https://www.politico.com/story/2019/04/17/us-china-trade-car-industry-1358959 [https://perma.cc/GR7C-X9SC].

[144] Owen Stuart, How Will the Shift from NAFTA to USMCA Affect the Auto Industry?, Indus. Wk. (Oct. 12, 2018), https://www.industryweek.com/the-economy/article/22026500/how-will-the-shift-from-nafta-to-usmca-affect-the-auto-industry [https://perma.cc/8VHY-HRSK].

[145] E.g., Villarreal et al., supra note 142.

[146] Stuart, supra note 144. Automobile manufacturers have four main options for addressing this cost increase: (1) absorb the higher costs as lost profit, (2) renegotiate component supply contracts to pass the cost increase to suppliers, (3) change the product mix to make offerings less expensive, or (4) raise the price of finished goods and pass the increase on to consumers. Id. Automobile producers will likely implement a combination of all four options, resulting in some form of increase in the price of cars. Id.

[147] Gabrielle Jasinski, LevaData Survey: 63 Percent of Automotive Executives Believe Production Costs Will Increase Due to USMCA, Bus. Wire (Jan. 10, 2019, 9:00 AM), https://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20190110005101/en/ [https://perma.cc/CD7Q-9W4J]; Bridget McCrea, How Will USMCA Impact the Automotive Supply Chain?, Source Today (Feb. 13, 2019), https://www.sourcetoday.com/supply-chain/article/21867315/how-will-usmca-impact-the-automotive-supply-chain [https://perma.cc/3DJF-LXMB].

[148] Jasinski, supra note 147; McCrea, supra note 147.

[149] Jasinski, supra note 147; McCrea, supra note 147.

[150] McCrea, supra note 147.

[151] Id.

[152] See Trump’s NAFTA Changessupra note 140.

[153] See Rebalancing Trade to Support Manufacturingsupra note 13. Because cheap labor was the driving force behind the mass exodus of U.S. companies crossing the border, it may seem counterintuitive for Mexico to accept the USMCA wage and labor provisions. But under its first labor-friendly president in modern Mexican history, Mexico has passed several laws improving workers’ rights with the USMCA serving as part of an overarching goal to raise working standards. Lauren Kaori Gurley, Is Mexico on the Brink of a Labor Revolution?, New Republic (Apr. 5, 2019), https://newrepublic.com/article/153467/mexico-brink-labor-revolution [https://perma.cc/UTZ9-AFC9]. Further,Mexico presented little opposition to the USMCA because approximately 80% of its exports are sent to the U.S., and Mexico hopes to preserve positive relations with the U.S. and Canada after the uncertainty caused by President Trump’s threats to disrupt trade. Mary Beth Sheridan, Mexico Becomes First Country to Ratify New North American Trade Deal, Wash. Post (June 19, 2019, 8:42 PM), https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/the_americas/mexico-becomes-first-country-to-ratify-usmca-north-american-trade-deal/2019/06/19/500dd8c0-92b3-11e9-956a-88c291ab5c38_story.html [https://perma.cc/Y7EE-TB3Q].

[154] Trump’s NAFTA Changessupra note 140.

[155] The USMCA is Finally Donesupra note 62.

[156] David A. Gantz, Rice Univ.’s Baker Inst. Pub. Pol’y, The United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement: Tariffs, Customs, and Rules of Origin 3–4 (Feb. 21, 2019), https://www.bakerinstitute.org/media/files/files/6ee1ade5/bi-report-022119-mex-usmca.pdf [https://perma.cc/SB29-M7S7]

[157] The USMCA is Finally Donesupra note 62.

[158] See Villarreal et al., supra note 142. 

[159] Id.

[160] Automotive Industry: Employment, Earnings, and Hours, U.S. Bureau Lab. Stats., https://www.bls.gov/iag/tgs/iagauto.htm [https://perma.cc/TPM5-GG36].

[161] See Mike Rutherford, The Global Car Manufacturing Wage Gap: What Do Car Factory Workers Earn?, Auto Express (Mar. 22, 2017), https://www.autoexpress.co.uk/car-news/98986/the-global-car-manufacturing-wage-gap-what-do-car-factory-workers-earn [https://perma.cc/BQT5-3ZVH]

[162] Id.

[163] The U.S. average wage of $23.5 per hour minus the new $16 required wage is almost an $8 difference. Trump’s NAFTA Changessupra note 140; Automotive Industry: Employment, Earnings, and Hourssupra note 160.

[164] Shuji Nakayama & Ryo Asayama, Japan Auto Companies Triple Mexican Pay Rather Than Move to US, Nikkei Asia (June 28, 2020, 4:35 AM), https://asia.nikkei.com/Business/Automobiles/Japan-auto-companies-triple-Mexican-pay-rather-than-move-to-US [https://perma.cc/G224-G6GE]

[165] See Daniel J. Ikenson, Protectionist Love Child of the Labor Left and the Nationalist Right, Cato Inst. (Dec. 13, 2019, 8:02 AM), https://www.cato.org/blog/protectionist-love-child-labor-left-nationalist-right [https://perma.cc/BPJ9-SVQ2]. 

[166] Carrie Kahn, Will NAFTA 2.0 Really Boost Mexican Wages?, NPR (Oct. 17, 2018, 9:05 AM), https://www.npr.org/2018/10/17/657806248/will-nafta-2-0-really-boost-mexican-wages [https://perma.cc/CV8T-CUC5]

[167] Inu Manak & Simon Lester, Evaluating the New USMCA, Cato Inst. (Dec. 11, 2019, 4:47 PM), https://www.cato.org/blog/evaluating-new-usmca-0[https://perma.cc/B9CS-GKK9]

[168] Niraj Chokshi, Unions Skeptical Trump’s Trade Deal Will Bring Back Auto Jobs, N.Y. Times (Jan. 29, 2020), https://www.nytimes.com/2019/12/11/business/nafta-usmca-auto-jobs.html [https://perma.cc/YC89-CYKF]

[169] Brian Reinbold & Yi Wen, Changing Trade Relations May Affect U.S. Auto Exports in Long Run, Fed. Res. Bank St. Louis (Mar. 7, 2019), https://www.stlouisfed.org/publications/regional-economist/first-quarter-2019/changing-trade-relations-auto-exports [https://perma.cc/2ULJ-YS5V] (USMCA auto provisions “could lead to decreased global demand for cars manufactured in North America as they become less competitive in a global market” due to higher prices; “the USMCA is a solution searching for a problem in regard to auto trade”); U.S.-Mexico-Canada Trade Agreement: Likely Impact on the U.S. Economy and on Specific Industry Sectors, Inv. No. TPA 105-003, USITC Pub. 4889 (Apr. 2019) (Final) (USMCA likely to increase production costs in the United States, resulting in higher prices for automobiles and 140,000 fewer vehicles sold); Meet the New NAFTA, Ctr. for Automotive Res. (Oct. 16, 2018), https://www.cargroup.org/meet-the-new-nafta/ [https://perma.cc/NAE7-9CQH] (“Conforming to the USMCA rules and strategic responses to avoid the risk of additional tariffs will raise production costs for light vehicles and automotive parts, driving up consumer prices.”). 

[170] See Villarreal & Fergusson, supra note 3, at 32.

[171] See U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics supra note 92; see supra notes 137–38 and the accompanying text.

Telling the Whole Truth Behind the Mic: Applying the Rules of Evidence to True Crime Podcasts

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Kami GriffithI

Introduction 

America has an obsession with true crime. Although tales of guilt and innocence have fascinated people for centuries, the genre is more accessible than ever with podcasts, audiobooks, and television channels that are entirely dedicated to crime and the courtroom.[2]

True crime podcasts rank among the top-downloaded podcasts on Apple’s iTunes.[3] The genre has caught the attention of not only amateur sleuths, but police officers and lawyers, as well.[4] For example, in 2018, a California Police Department created its own podcast to bring awareness to a case that detectives had trouble cracking.[5] Officers were able to track down the suspect within months of the podcast’s run.[6]

Another real-world example ended up in the Supreme Court.[7] Season two of In the Dark covered the story of Curtis Flowers, a man who was “tried six times for the same crime.”[8] The podcast brought considerable public attention to Flowers’ case.[9] Eventually, the Supreme Court overturned his conviction and all charges against Mr. Flowers have since been dropped.[10]

True crime podcasts generally adhere to two different structures. As one reporter put it: “Some reinvestigate cases with reams of original research or interviews. Others resemble Wikipedia-esque retellings.”[11] Some podcasts focus on a different case each episode, giving listeners the highlights from the investigation or court proceedings.[12] Other podcasts, like In the Dark, focus on a single case for an entire season, allowing the hosts to provide a deeper analysis of the facts and evidence.[13] However, it is this analysis of the “evidence” that can lead to problems. 

True crime is a genre that generates strong emotions. According to some social scientists, deaths and disappearances pique a natural curiosity surrounding tragedy.[14] Other studies suggest that consuming true crime “is one way we can feel prepared, and perhaps even comforted.”[15]Because of the heightened emotions at play, hosts and authors focus on telling the best story, but sometimes, “in the author’s quest to make the topic more interesting, facts may become lost or may be fabricated entirely.”[16] One popular true crime podcast, My Favorite Murder, even has a weekly segment entitled “Corrections Corner” during which the hosts take time to correct facts they got wrong on the previous episode.[17]

Not only do hosts take liberties with the facts of cases, it is often hard to recognize exactly where the facts are coming from. Although some shows attempt to acknowledge their sources, hosts can fall short. One podcast even removed several episodes from streaming platforms after the hosts faced plagiarism accusations.[18] When the focus is on telling the most sensational story, it can be tempting for podcasters to be lax on referencing sources, especially “when producers develop a following and feel they ‘constantly have to feed the beast.’”[19]   

Podcast hosts also give off a false air of trustworthiness. A listener might assume that because someone makes money producing episodes, they are an expert in the field. Podcast hosts also often refer to “authorities” or “officials” while talking about crimes without naming a particular authority.[20] The podcast host is attempting to back up what they are saying without needing to be held accountable by a specific member of law enforcement.

Another issue regarding facts and evidence is that podcast hosts can say whatever they want without many repercussions. Unlike prosecutors, podcasters are not subject to any limitations on how they present evidence.[21] Sometimes, podcasts present a mountain of “evidence” and then ask why investigators did not catch the right suspect.[22] However, much of the “evidence” presented by the host would not be admissible in court.[23]

Not all podcasts are up front about misinformation, so listeners assume that they are being exposed to the entire picture, but listeners might not be aware of the limitations placed on police officers and attorneys. This can be dangerous: “A major issue with the media is that ‘coverage of crime and punishment is notoriously inaccurate and . . . biased toward sensationalized accounts.’”[24]

In this Note I argue that true crime podcasts have great influence on how the public views the criminal justice system. I further argue that podcast hosts need to be aware that there is a difference between information that can point to guilt and information that can be presented to a trier of fact. In Part I of this Note I will explain theories behind the importance of the Federal Rules of Evidence. In the second section Part II, I will apply the Federal Rules of Evidence to popular true crime podcast episodes. I will focus on three different rules that are commonly disregarded by podcast hosts. First, I will apply the propensity limitations. Second, I will focus on the rule regarding opinion testimony by lay witnesses. Finally, I will discuss the general bar against hearsay and how information can be admitted through one of the various exceptions. Part III of this Note will focus on how podcasts can help further criminal law understanding among the general public and in the legal field. I will argue that hosts have an ethical responsibility to ensure that their audiences are aware of the evidentiary discrepancies.

I.        The Reasons for the Rules of Evidence

Rules of evidence are essential to the workings of the criminal justice system. The necessity is seen across jurisdictions, regardless of which version of the rules is in place. Although the necessity of uniformity is a general concept, scholars have reached different conclusions on the exact reasoning of the rules.[25] On one hand, the rules are seen as a mechanism to bypass confusing or irrelevant information and get the jury to the truth.[26] However, some scholars believe evidentiary rules are actually meant to promote public acceptance of jury decisions.[27]

The public acceptance theory depends on the particular evidence and rule in question. For example, Charles Nesson argues that hearsay rules are meant to promote confidence in juries.[28]  Nesson says that hearsay rules “prevent jurors from basing a verdict on the statement of an out-of-court declarant who might later recant the statement and discredit the verdict.”[29] The rules allow the public to assume that juries are hearing only reliable information.[30]

Nesson’s theory on the function of evidence rules has been applied to the popular podcast Serial, which questions the validity of Adnan Sayed’s murder conviction.[31]  Paul Berman looks at Nesson’s differentiation between direct and circumstantial evidence.[32]  The case against Sayed was built on eyewitness testimony.[33] Berman says that based on Nesson’s logic, the public is more likely to accept the jury’s decision to convict, because the jury members are the ones who heard the testimony and decided that the witnesses were credible.[34] Berman argues that it is only after members of the public hear statements that would violate evidence rules that the credibility of witnesses is called into question, even though these out-of-court statements often lack credibility.[35]

The rules of evidence are not only meant to promote the finding of the truth, but also to allow the public to maintain confidence in the court system.[36] The functions are both practical and theoretical. Sometimes podcasts can undercut both.

II.       Rules Commonly Violated by Podcasts 

Podcasts, unlike trials, are forms of entertainment. Podcasting is a business that relies on download numbers and crowdsourcing websites to operate.[37] Therefore, the pressure is on to keep listenership up and make sure new audience members are contributing to advertising revenue. Because of this, legality takes a backseat to good storytelling. In this section, I will elaborate on some of the most common Federal Rules of Evidence that are broken in the name of narrative: the bar against using character evidence to prove propensity, the bar on lay persons offering expert opinions, and the general bar on hearsay. 

A.      Being a Bad Person Doesn’t Make You Guilty

The premise of Rule 404 is simple: having questionable character does not necessarily make it more likely that you are a criminal.[38] Rule 404 says that evidence of a person’s character cannot be used to “prove that on a particular occasion the person acted in accordance with the character or trait.”[39] There are exceptions to the rule, most notably in 404(b).[40] Under Rule 404(b), evidence of crimes or other prior acts cannot be used as character evidence to prove someone committed a crime.[41] However, such evidence is admissible if it is evidence of motive, knowledge, or absence of mistake.[42] In order to determine if prior acts are admissible, courts generally balance the probative value of the information with the prejudicial impact.[43] Even relevant information should be excluded if “its probative value is substantially outweighed by the danger of unfair prejudice.”[44]

The issue in the podcasting world is that no balancing is ever done. Because background information is important to effective storytelling, prior acts and crimes of suspects are often included in a case narrative. However, if you follow the logic of the rules, this background information, that can provide a holistic view of the suspect, would not be helpful in a court of law, unless it fits into one of the exceptions outlined in Rule 404(b)(2). Although it does provide listeners with a more complete view of the suspect, this practice does not explain anything about a crime, unless it encompasses one of the exceptions outlined in Rule 404(b)(2).

In A Killing on the Cape, an ABC podcast about the case of Christa Worthington, the intricacies of Rule 404(b) are exemplified.[45] Worthington was murdered ion Cape Cod in 2002.[46] Although a man is currently serving three life sentences for the crime, questions about his guilt remain.[47]One of the other suspects in the case is Elizabeth Porter, the girlfriend of Christa Worthington’s father.[48] During the podcast, the ABC contributor brings up Porter’s history with prostitution and heroin use.[49] If this podcast was subject to the Federal Rules of Evidence Rule 404(a) general bar against character evidence to prove propensity, this information about Porter would not be admissible.[50]

However, the podcast host goes on to mention that Christa Worthington was “quite upset” about the relationship because of Porter’s past, a fact that could possibly trigger a Rule 404(b) exception.[51] Because of Porter’s history, Christa Worthington did not want her to date her father, giving Porter a reason to want to get rid of Christa.[52] Proving motive is one of the exceptions listed under Rule 404(b).[53] A judge could find that the probative value of this information would outweigh the prejudicial impact.[54] The purpose in admitting the evidence here would not be to say that Porter was more likely to commit the crime because she had a history of drug abuse, but that she was more likely to commit the crime because of how her drug abuse influenced her relationship with the victim . 

Not all podcasts contain information that follows the relationship between sections (a) and (b) of Rule 404. Oftentimes, hosts bring up information that would not be admissible at all under the propensity bar. Take for instance the My Favorite Murder episode covering serial killer Richard Chase.[55] One of the hosts began the episode by introducing Chase’s rough upbringing.[56] She talked about how Chase had issues with bed wetting, arson, and cruelty to animals when he was a child.[57] She mentioned that this is known as the “McDonald triad,” which is falsely believed to be a direct link between certain behaviors in children and violent tendencies once those children reach adulthood.[58] This theory has not been backed up by statistics, which the host quickly noted.[59] Since there is no scientific connection between these three actions and any of the exceptions outlined in Rule 404(b)(2), this evidence would not be admissible in court.[60]

B.      If You are Going to Act Like an Expert, Be One

In a case it does not matter how much evidence you have if a jury does not believe it. This is especially true for complicated forensic evidence.[61]Evidence involving scientific techniques can be extremely helpful for a jury.[62] However, misuse of that same evidence can lead to wrongful convictions, which in turn leads to a breakdown of the public acceptance of the criminal justice system.[63] Hiring the right expert to explain nuanced principles to a jury can make or break a case.[64]

The Federal Rules of Evidence account for the need of expert testimony in Rule 701. This rule says that if someone is not testifying as an expert then their opinion testimony must be limited to what the witness has perceived and information that would actually help the fact-finder.[65] Most importantly, opinions offered by a lay witness must “not be based on scientific, technical, or other specialized knowledge within the scope of Rule 702.”[66] Therefore, the rule does not “distinguish between expert and lay witnesses, but rather between expert and lay testimony.”[67]  Essentially the difference is that people without a specialty can testify to things that come from “reasoning familiar in everyday life,” whereas expert testimony “results from a process of reasoning which can be mastered only by specialists in the field.”[68]

The issue with the podcasting platform is that hosts come from a variety of backgrounds. Although some podcasts are created by journalists, or those who work in law enforcement, many hosts are simply people who have a true crime fascination.[69] Because podcast hosts are often the people presenting the information, they need to be mindful about how they frame complicated topics such as forensics. Unfortunately, not all podcasts frame the intricacies of these sciences as they should.

One example is the Wine and Crime podcast’s episode on blood spatter analysis.[70] During the first segment of the episode, one of the hosts attempts to go over the basics for blood spatter analysis.[71] She mentions the different types of blood stains and how they are made.[72] Later in the episode the hosts touch on how blood spatter analysis impacted specific cases.[73] Because the hosts do not have any formal training in blood spatter analysis,[74] a listener must trust that the hosts are relying on the right information. However, the podcast does mention how many different areas of study must be mastered to be considered an expert in blood spatter analysis.[75] Although this fact is discussed, the hosts do not make any connection between an expert’s opinion and the facts as they themselves are presenting them.[76]

A common way for podcasts to avoid the danger of misleading listeners is to go directly to the source and interview those who work in specific scientific or professional fields. My Favorite Murder, which is usually hosted by two amateur true crime observers, turned to a law enforcement officer for help in explaining the arrest in the infamous Golden State Killer case.[77] The case was open for nearly forty years until law enforcement agents used a genealogy website to trace D.N.A. from one of the crime scenes to the suspect, ultimately leading to an arrest.[78]

The hosts of My Favorite Murder knew that the familial gene technique was an investigative tool that their listeners were confused and concerned about, so they invited one of the investigators on the case to explain the tactic.[79] The investigator, Paul Holes, explained how law enforcement officials used D.N.A. to locate the familial branch of the suspect and how that information led to the arrest.[80] Holes also addressed the confidentiality concerns regarding the use of family members to aid in identifying suspects.[81] Because a person with specialized training on using D.N.A. evidence to perform a criminal investigation is the person explaining the procedure to the audience, the information is more credible. Not only that, but Holes is the sort of witness that would be able to testify to this information in court under Rule 702.[82]

It is important for podcast hosts to acknowledge that being extremely interested in a topic does not equate with being an expert in the field. Explaining highly convoluted, scientific areas without any formal training can lead to the spread of misinformation, which is why the limitations imposed by Rule 701 are so important.

C.      Hearsay is Rampant

Hearsay and its thirty-one exceptions, arguably the most complicated section within the Federal Rules of Evidence, is the most obvious issue with true crime podcasts. By nature, every single word uttered in a podcast could be categorized as hearsay.[83] The rule places a general bar on any out-of-court statements made “to prove the truth of the matter asserted.”[84]  Essentially, “the hearsay rule requires that people testify directly to what they saw or heard rather than repeating information from others.”[85] The general policy justification behind the rule is simple: the credibility of firsthand accounts are more credible than secondhand accounts.[86] Aside from interviews with victims or suspects, most of the information provided in podcasts are secondhand accounts. Even still, the rare interviews with eyewitnesses are considered hearsay because they are uttered outside of a court of law.[87]

Serial, the podcast that many people believe launched the nation’s true crime podcast obsession,[88] is ripe with hearsay issues:

The Serial podcast does not take place in court. It is therefore no surprise that hearsay is as rampant in the podcast as it is in the world outside the courtroom. Koenig asks almost everyone she interviews to talk about what they heard from other people. To give one example, Jay's friend Chris's sole contribution to the podcast is to talk about what Jay told him about how Adnan forced him to help bury Hae.[89]

Another example of hearsay evidence is in Episode 4 of Serial.[90] Sarah Koeing, the show’s host, plays a recording of a police interview with a witness named Jenn Pusateri.[91] Pusateri describes how Adnan Syed allegedly killed Hae Min Lee.[92] However, Pusateri herself did not witness any of this. She was simply telling a police officer what a man named Jay had told her.[93] The information coming from Pusateri could be potentially damning for a murder suspect, but Koeing had no way of knowing if it was true. 

       Podcasts, as discussed previously, are a form of entertainment. One of the many tactics used by hosts to make their episodes more gripping and engaging is the use of 911 calls.[94] These calls bring emotion, urgency, and authenticity to stories. However, these calls are technically statements made out of a courtroom and can be categorized as hearsay, especially if the calls are being used to prove a fact included in the substance of the phone conversation.[95]

       Sometimes podcasts will dedicate entire episodes to analyzing 911 calls.[96] For example, the podcast Cold Case Murder Mysteries played and analyzed a 911 call from a high-profile murder investigation in North Carolina.[97] The call was placed in the middle of the night by Michael Peterson, the main suspect in the murder of his wife, Kathleen.[98] In this episode, the disturbing call is played at the beginning of the episode.[99]The podcast host then analyzes the call as an indicator of Peterson’s guilt or innocence.[100] However, under the general hearsay ban, the call would not be admissible unless it met one of the explicit exceptions in Rule 803. 

Although 911 calls are technically out-of-court statements, there are a couple of exceptions that an attorney could use to admit these phone conversations into evidence. In the case of the Michael Peterson phone call, an attorney could argue that the conversation is admissible under the “excited utterance” exception.[101] In order for a statement to be classified as an “excited utterance” the statement must be about a startling event and “made while the declarant was under the stress of excitement that it caused.”[102] The 911 call made by Michael Peterson would likely fall into this exception. This, of course, depends on whether you believe his attorney’s timeline of events. If Peterson made the call directly after finding his wife lying at the foot of the stairs, it is likely he made the call while still under the “stress of excitement” of the discovery.[103] The urgency and emotion in Peterson’s voice also suggests that he was upset when he called the dispatcher.[104] Therefore, an attorney in this case would likely convince a judge to admit the 911 call. 

Emergency calls could also fall under the “present sense impressions” exception.[105] This exception to the hearsay bar applies to any “statement describing or explaining an event or condition, made while or immediately after the declarant perceived it.”[106] Essentially, the exception admits a play-by-play of events as a person sees them. Peterson’s call, being used as another example, would likely not fall under this exception. Peterson’s entire defense strategy hinged on the fact that he did not directly perceive his wife falling down the stairs.[107] Peterson claimed he found her after she had already fallen.[108] Therefore, Peterson’s call, that would probably be admitted under Rule 803(2), would probably not be admitted under Rule 803(1). Though there are multiple ways to get 911 calls admitted, many podcast hosts treat these conversations as if they are automatically something a jury would hear.[109] This offers another example of how the Federal Rules of Evidence can be misconstrued.

The hearsay portion of the Federal Rules of Evidence are meant to promote the use of firsthand accounts to avoid credibility questions.[110]Podcasts are by nature secondhand accounts outside the courtroom. Therefore, all podcasts are hearsay. There are many instances where podcast hosts talk about hearsay issues as if they are automatically admissible, such as with emergency calls.[111] Ideally, podcast hosts would dissect the problems with hearsay evidence and demonstrate to listeners why the it is less credible..

III.     Podcasting Potential

It is true that sometimes podcast producers and hosts do not do enough to ensure that their audiences are learning about proper court procedures. However, there are instances where podcasts can be a great educational tool for the average listener. Some podcasts offer accurate portrayals of criminal procedure. One example is the podcast Bardstown.[112] This podcast is produced by two women; one is a journalist from Louisville, Kentucky.[113] The podcast includes narration and interviews centered around unsolved deaths in Bardstown, Kentucky.[114] One episode described the search of a farm property that was possibly connected to one of the five deaths in town.[115] The owner of the farm invoked her Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination.[116] The podcast host then delved into the meaning of the Fifth Amendment and the implications it could have on the investigation.[117]

Other podcasts actually attack admissibility issues head-on. The podcast Shallow Graves covers a cold case surrounding a missing college student from Florida and a potential serial killer.[118] In the first episode of the podcast the host discussed an early crime committed by the main suspect.[119] In this particular investigation, the only evidence left at the scene was in the form of a toeprint.[120] The host discussed how the police were confident who the print belonged to, but that if they did not follow the correct procedure, the toeprint would not be admissible in court.[121] The host discussed the difference between having a suspect’s consent for a search and seeking a search warrant.[122] To further enlighten listeners on the subject, she interviewed an investigator on the case and asked him to discuss the factors he weighed when deciding whether consent or a search warrant should be sought.[123] Later on, the host explained how a motion to suppress works and the implications a suppression ruling can have on a trial.[124] Shallow Graves is another great example of how criminal investigations should go, how evidence is admitted at court, and the restraints placed on law enforcement officers as they gather pieces of evidence. It focuses on a specific evidentiary issue and breaks it down so that the listener can follow along.[125]

Not only are podcasts educating the general public about criminal investigations and court proceedings, but they can also inspire important conversations about socioeconomic issues. For example, Karen Kilgariff and Georgia Hardstark from My Favorite Murder made headlines after a listener complained to them about the use of the term “prostitute.”[126] During one of their episodes they apologized for using the term and acknowledged that it could be perceived as offensive.[127] The hosts clarified that they would refer to these women as “sex workers” instead of “prostitutes.”[128] Hardstark said, “we have a platform that we can announce these things and so we’re lucky and we should do it.”[129]

Podcasts can also educate law students or those in the legal field. A few scholars argued that the popularity of Serial provides an opportunity for educators to introduce new ideas in the legal classroom.[130] They believe that bingeable forms of entertainment, like podcasts, can put legal analysis “into twenty-first-century problems of language, narrative form, authenticity, and audiences.”[131] Serial and other podcasts like it can enhance a legal learning experience because they are all about doubt, wanting more, and ultimately not knowing the concrete answer.[132] Further, “[q]uestioning the reason for and function of desire for closure in law and its pursuit of justice, connected with its role as popular entertainment, enriches classroom discussions about the common law, jurisprudence, ethical advocacy, legal storytelling, and legal institutional competencies.”[133]

It is also important to note that the information and investigations being fueled by the podcasting world are having real-world implications inside the courtroom. As previously mentioned, the Supreme Court has overturned a conviction that was highlighted by the podcast In the Dark.[134]Although the podcast might not have been the sole reason for the Supreme Court’s opinion, information brought to light by the host did show the flaws in the original trial.[135] Serial is another example—new evidence uncovered in the podcast was actually read into evidence during a post-conviction relief hearing for Adnan Syed.[136] There is potential for podcasts to be effective not only in educating the public and future lawyers, but also inside the courtroom. 

Conclusion

The Federal Rules of Evidence are in place to make sure our courts run efficiently, get to the truth, and protect the public’s faith in the criminal justice system.[137] However, these rules are not at play in forms of mass media, like podcasts. It is true that thoughtful listeners and viewers can take into account the nuances of the criminal justice system without such guidance.[138] It is irresponsible for podcast hosts to assume that all listeners and viewers are going to be thoughtful during their own media consumption. This Note does not argue that podcasts need to stray away from true crime reporting or that podcasts should only by hosted by law enforcement officers. This Note does, however, argue that podcast hosts need to recognize the power they have in shaping the public’s view of criminal justice and how they often fall short. This is a great power with even greater responsibility. Podcasters need to be mindful about telling the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth. 


I J.D. Candidate, University of Kentucky J. David Rosenberg College of Law (2021). 

[2] See David Costello, Un-Making a Murderer: New True Crime Sensationalism and the Criminal Justice System, 55 Am. Crim. L. Rev. Online 77, 78­–82 (2018).

[3] See Brad Hill, Apple’s Most-Downloaded Podcasts of 2018, Rain News (Dec. 6, 2018), https://rainnews.com/apples-most-downloaded-podcasts-of-2018/ [https://perma.cc/9HSV-MCWD].

[4] Paige Hymson, Play Next: What a True-Crime Podcast Meant for a Real-World Investigation, L.A. Times (Aug. 13, 2019, 6:00 AM),https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2019-08-12/play-next-this-police-department-made-a-podcast-to-find-a-fugitive-it-helped [https://perma.cc/SA3G-P8G5].

[5] Id.

[6] Id.

[7] Id.

[8] Id.

[9] Id.

[10] Flowers v. Mississippi, 139 S. Ct. 2228, 2251 (2019); Nicholas Bogel-Burroughs, After 6 Murder Trials and Nearly 24 Years, Charges Dropped Against Curtis Flowers,N.Y. Times (Sept. 4, 2020), https://www.nytimes.com/2020/09/04/us/after-6-murder-trials-and-nearly-24-years-charges-dropped-against-curtis-flowers.html[https://perma.cc/8PFB-2L44].

[11] Derrick Bryson Taylor & Christine Hauser, Popular ‘Crime Junkie’ Podcast Removes Episodes After Plagiarism Accusation, N.Y. Times  (Aug. 22, 2019),         https://www.nytimes.com/2019/08/22/business/media/crime-junkie-podcast-plagiarism.html [https://perma.cc/SH2S-JP2Q].

[12] See, e.g., Crime Junkie, https://crimejunkiepodcast.com/ [https://perma.cc/EQV9-GZVZ]; Morbid: A True Crime Podcast, https://www.morbidpodcast.com/[https://perma.cc/3QA3-CFPB]; Generation Why Podcast, https://genwhypod.com/ [https://perma.cc/CX84-S2YV].

[13] APM Reports, https://features.apmreports.org/in-the-dark/season-two/ [https://perma.cc/95YD-GJEM]; see also Alissa Zhu, How an Investigative Podcast Helped Free Curtis Flowers, Clarion Ledger (Sept. 10, 2020, 5:00 AM), https://www.clarionledger.com/story/news/2020/09/10/how-investigative-podcast-in-dark-helped-free-curtis-flowers/5747054002/ [https://perma.cc/VWY4-4Y2S] (explaining the intense investigation into Flowers’ case).

[14] Sarah Watts, What One Researcher Discovered About America’s True Crime Obsession, Forbes (Feb. 28, 2019, 5:31 PM), https://www.forbes.com/sites/sarahwatts/2019/02/28/what-one-researcher-discovered-about-americas-true-crime-obsession/#180940c35e6e [https://perma.cc/K3UP-DA8T].

[15] Id.

[16] Costello, supra note 2, at 95.

[17] Jen Thompson, “My Favorite Murder”: Women Creating Community in Crime, Golin (Mar. 18, 2021) https://golin.com/2021/03/18/my-favorite-murder-women-creating-community-in-crime/            [https://perma.cc/RA72-EWKN].

[18] Taylor & Hauser, supra note 11.

[19] Id.

[20] Dean A. Strang, Beyond Guilt or Innocence: Larger Issues that Making a Murderer Invite Us to Consider, 49 Tex. Tech. L. Rev. 891, 898 (2017).

[21] Megan Boorsma, The Whole Truth: The Implications of America’s True Crime Obsession, 9 Elon L. Rev. 209, 223 (2017).

[22] Episode 154: DNA Dad, My Favorite Murder, at 1:04:48 (Jan. 3, 2019), https://myfavoritemurder.com/154-dna-dad/ [https://perma.cc/C8D8-VX8W] (discussing deathbed statements that indicated a suspect as well as previous statements from the victim before the murder that may not be admissible in court).

[23] Boorsma, supra note 21.

[24] Id. at 214 (quoting Justin T. Pickett et al., Public (Mis)Understanding of Crime Policy: The Effects of Criminal Justice Experience and Media Reliance, 26 Crim. Just. Pol’y Rev. 500, 501 (2015)).

[25] Charles Nesson, The Evidence or the Event? On Judicial Proof and the Acceptability of Verdicts, 98 Harv. L. Rev. 1357, 1369 (1985).

[26] See id. at 1368–69. 

[27] Id.

[28] Id. at 1372. 

[29] Id. at 1373.

[30] Id.

[31] Paul Schiff Berman et al., A Law Faculty Listens to Serial, 48 Conn. L. Rev. 1593, 1633 (2016).

[32] Id. at 1634. 

[33] Id.

[34] Id.

[35] See id. at 1635.

[36] Nesson, supra note 25, at 1368.

[37] Todd Spangler, Spotify Launches Podcast Streaming Ad Insertion and Measurement, Variety (Jan. 8, 2020, 8:00 AM), https://variety.com/2020/digital/news/spotify-podcast-dynamic-streaming-ad-insertion-measurement-1203459830/ [https://perma.cc/8T6N-9BZH]; Roger Kay, Crowdsourcing Drives Podcast Quality, Forbes (Jan. 13, 2014, 10:19 AM), https://www.forbes.com/sites/rogerkay/2014/01/13/crowdsourcing-drives-podcast-quality/?sh=396b4003473d [https://perma.cc/62GV-DDSY].

[38] See Fed. R. Evid. 404.

[39] Fed. R. Evid. 404(a)(1).

[40] Fed. R. Evid. 404(b).

[41] Id.

[42] Fed. R. Evid. 404(b)(2).

[43] United States v. Lattner, 385 F.3d 947, 955 (6th Cir. 2004) (establishing a three-part test for Rule 404(b) evidence that looks at the likelihood the prior act happened, whether the evidence goes to one of the exceptions outlined in Rule 404(b)(2), and how the probative value of the evidence related to prejudicial impact).

[44] Huddleston v. United States, 485 U.S. 681, 687 (1988) (quoting Fed. R. Evid. 403).

[45] See generally David Sloan et al., A Killing on the Cape, ABC, https://abcnews.go.com/2020/deepdive/a-killing-on-the-cape-50254778 [https://perma.cc/L849-5YC7] (discussing inadmissible character evidence of a suspect).

[46] Id.

[47] See id.

[48] A Killing on the Cape: More Leads, More Dead Ends, ABC News, at 22:00 (Nov. 7, 2017), https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/abc-news/a-killing-on-the-cape/e/52234591 [https://perma.cc/649U-8FZB].

[49] Id. at 22:40.

[50] Fed. R. Evid. 404(a)(1).

[51] A Killing on the Cape: More Leads, More Dead Endssupra note 48, at 22:30.

[52] Id. at 26:50.

[53] Fed. R. Evid. 404(b).

[54] Fed. R. Evid. 403. 

[55] Episode 10: Murderous TENdencies, My Favorite Murder, at 48:00 (Apr. 1, 2016), https://www.stitcher.com/show/my-favorite-murder-with-karen-kilgariff-and-georgia-hardstark/episode/10-murderous-tendencies-200174474 [https://perma.cc/3AQ3-NET8].

[56] Id.

[57] Id.

[58] Id. at 48:20.

[59] Id.; Karen Franklin, Homicidal Triad: Predictor of Violence or Urban Myth?, Psychol. Today (May 2, 2012), https://www.psychologytoday.com/us/blog/witness/201205/homicidal-triad-predictor-violence-or-urban-myth [https://perma.cc/2FNR-YZDZ]

[60] Fed. R. Evid. 404(b)(2) (including exceptions such as “proving motive, opportunity, intent, preparation, plan, knowledge, identity, absence of mistake, or lack of accident”).

[61] See Kimberly Schweitzer & Narina Nunez, What Evidence Matters to Jurors? The Prevalence and Importance of Different Homicide Trial Evidence to Mock Jurors, 25 Psychiatry, Psychol. & L. 437, 444 (2018).

[62] Id.

[63] Berman et al., supra note 31, at 1639 (arguing that forensic evidence can lead to unwanted results if not broken down in an acceptable way).

[64] See Rabia Chaudry, Undiscovered: Five Legal Lessons from the Case of Adnan Syed, 48 Tex. Tech. L. Rev. 363, 370–71 (2016) (arguing that the case discussed in the Serial podcast could have had a different outcome with the addition of even just one expert).

[65] Fed. R. Evid. 701(a), (b).

[66] Fed. R. Evid. 701(c).

[67] Fed. R. Evid. 701 (advisory committee’s note on 2000 amendments).

[68] State v. Brown, 836 S.W.2d 530, 549 (Tenn. 1992) (citation omitted). 

[69] Two of the most-downloaded true crime podcasts are hosted by a pair of women who are interested in true crime but have no formal training in law or law enforcement.See About My Favorite Murder, My Favorite Murder, https://myfavoritemurder.com/about [https://perma.cc/9TTE-VZ2S]About Us, Crime Junkie, https://crimejunkiepodcast.com/about-us/ [https://perma.cc/UE93-J383].

[70] Ep10: Blood Spatter, Wine & Crime Podcast (Apr. 5, 2017), https://wineandcrimepodcast.com/show_episodes/ep10-blood-spatter/ [https://perma.cc/N56Z-E5KV].

[71] Id. at 10:30. 

[72] Id. at 10:10.

[73] Id. at 1:07:00.

[74] About Wine & Crime, Wine and Crime Podcast, https://wineandcrimepodcast.com/about/ [https://perma.cc/43G8-RW42].

[75] Ep10: Blood Spattersupra note 70, at 37:50.

[76] See id.

[77] MFM Show, My Favorite Murder – 122 – Surprise! It’s Paul Holes, YouTube (May 24, 2018), https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=55omfgKDvTc [https://perma.cc/N8J7-M472]. 

[78] Laurel Wamsley, After Arrest of Suspected Golden State Killer, Details of His Life Emerge, NPR (Apr. 26, 2018, 3:51 PM), https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2018/04/26/606060349/after-arrest-of-suspected-golden-state-killer-details-of-his-life-emerge [https://perma.cc/XHV3-W5EZ].

[79] See MFM Show, supra note 77, at 55:30.

[80] Id.

[81] Id.

[82] Fed. R. Evid. 702 (listing acceptable expert witnesses as people with “specialized knowledge” and opinions based “on sufficient facts or data” rooted in “reliable principles and methods”).

[83] Fed. R. Evid. 801(c)(1).

[84] Fed. R. Evid. 801(c).

[85] Berman et al., supra note 31, at 1635.

[86] Deborah Jones Merritt & Ric Simmons, Learning Evidence: From the Federal Rules to the Courtroom 444 (4th ed. 2018).

[87] See Fed. R. Evid. 801(c).

[88] See Tony Jeff, Crowdsourcing Justice, 35 Miss. C.L. Rev. 365, 366 (2017).

[89] Berman et al., supra note 31, at 1635.

[90] See Episode 4: Inconsistencies, Serial, at 7:47 (2014), https://serialpodcast.org/season-one/4/inconsistencies [https://perma.cc/VCE8-4DBN].

[91] Id.

[92] Id.

[93] Id.

[94] See, e.g.911 Calls Podcast with The Operator, 11:59 Media, https://www.1159media.com/911-calls [https://perma.cc/5K6K-YWD9] (dedicating an entire podcast to analyzing 911 calls).

[95] See Fed. R. Evid. 801(c).

[96] Episode 141: Analyzing the 911 Calls – The Staircase, Stitcher (Aug. 29, 2018), https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/wondery/real-crime-profile/e/55998180?autoplay=true [https://perma.cc/SJ87-F8DF].

[97] The Staircase Murder – E004, Cold Case Murder Mysteries, at 0:01, https://www.coldcasemurdermysteries.com/e004-the-staircase-murder [https://perma.cc/SZ4E-QUJ8].

[98] Id.

[99] Id.

[100] Id.

[101] Fed. R. Evid. 803(2).

[102] Id.

[103] Id.

[104] See The Staircase Murder – E004supra note 97.

[105] Fed. R. Evid. 803(1).

[106] Id.

[107]  Rebecca Reisner, Michael Peterson: An Update, Forensic Files Now, https://forensicfilesnow.com/index.php/2019/09/26/michael-peterson-an-update/comment-page-1/ [https://perma.cc/W4G9-KV8G].

[108] Id.

[109] See The Staircase Murder – E004supra at note 97 (discussing a 911 call and a subsequent trial without explaining the relationship between the two).

[110] Note, The Theoretical Foundation of the Hearsay Rules, 93 Harv. L. Rev. 1786, 1788 (1980).  

[111] See Episode 4: Inconsistenciessupra note 90, at 1:00.

[112] Bardstown, Vault Studios, https://www.bardstownpodcast.com  [https://perma.cc/C936-APVT].

[113] Jackelyn Jorgensen et al., The making of the Bardstown podcast, First Coast News (Aug. 27, 2019, 6:50 PM), https://www.firstcoastnews.com/article/news/local/the-making-of-the-bardstown-podcast/417-b16b8c85-0cfd-4d72-b6be-49fd3dcc59ad#:~:text=Shay%20McAlister%20is%20an%20investigative,the%20new%20podcast%20'Bardstown [https://perma.cc/ZCV9-ZBKV].

[114] Id.

[115] Bardstown: Prime Suspectsupra note 112, at 13:00. 

[116] Id.

[117] See id.

[118] See Linda, Shallow Graves (Feb. 20, 2020), https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/linda/id1497630439?i=1000466281242 [https://perma.cc/6ZDQ-PBNS].

[119] Id. at 20:00.

[120] Id.

[121] Id. at 25:00.

[122] Id.

[123] Id.

[124] Id. at 36:36.

[125] Id.

[126] Becky Hughes, My Favorite Murder Podcasters Karen Kilgariff and Georgia Hardstark on Their Famous Friendship, Love of True Crime and More, Parade (May 28, 2019, 5:00 AM), https://parade.com/884730/beckyhughes/my-favorite-murder-podcasters-karen-kilgariff-and-georgia-hardstark-on-their-famous-friendship-love-of-true-crime-and-more [https://perma.cc/7B5Z-7BNS].

[127] Episode 12: Our Bodies, Our Twelves, My Favorite Murder, at 54:00, https://www.iheart.com/podcast/268-my-favorite-murder-w-27911429/episode/12-our-bodies-our-twelves-28977250/ [https://perma.cc/SJ75-WMYX].

[128] Id. at 55:47.

[129] Id. at 56:50.

[130] Zahr K. Said & Jessica Silbey, Narrative Topoi in the Digital Age, 68 J. Legal Educ. 103, 104, 107 (2018).

[131] Id. at 104.

[132] Id. at 106.

[133] Id. at 107.

[134] Dan Mangan, Curtis Flowers—Black Man Tried Six Times for Same Murders—Released on Bail After Supreme Court Reversed Case Detailed in Podcast, CNBC (Dec. 16, 2019, 5:13 PM), https://www.cnbc.com/2019/12/16/bail-set-for-curtis-flowers-in-murder-case-overturned-by-supreme-court.html [https://perma.cc/9AKF-7VRX].

[135] Id.

[136] Jeff, supra note 88 at 365–66.

[137] Nesson, supra note 25.

[138] See Strang, supra note 20, at 891.

A Ward of the State: The First Amendment as Protecting the Best Interest of the Child in Custody Disputes

Download a PDF Below:

Ellen C. Ray[1] 

Introduction

One of the most challenging First Amendment questions facing the courts is whether a public employee’s speech should be classified as a public concern or a private interest.[2] This distinction affects whether the speech will be treated the same as speech from ordinary citizens working in the private sector and be protected by the First Amendment, or whether the public employee will be subject to retaliation and possible termination by the public employer for their speech.[3] While the courts have dispelled the idea that public employees may be subjected to exorbitant restraints by the state due to their employment status, today the question has shifted to finding the appropriate balance between protecting both the right of the employer to control its public message and the right of the employee as a citizen to speak one’s mind, as granted by the Constitution.[4]

The law on public employee freedom of speech has expanded into a five-step analysis, often referred to as the Pickering/Garcetti test (hereinafter Pickering test), adapted from leading First Amendment public employee Supreme Court cases, which is described as follows:

(1) whether the speech was made pursuant to an employee's official duties; (2) whether the speech was on a matter of public concern; (3) whether the government's interests, as employer, in promoting the efficiency of the public service are sufficient to outweigh the plaintiff's free speech interests; (4) whether the protected speech was a motivating factor in the adverse employment action; and (5) whether the defendant would have reached the same employment decision in the absence of the protected conduct.[5]

Steps one through three are classified as issues of law to be analyzed and resolved by the court, while steps four and five are left to the trier of fact, typically a jury.[6] This step-by-step analysis allows courts a clear path to rule on freedom of speech issues for public employees, but the ambiguity of some of these categories leaves the court with ample discretion to determine what exactly is within the scope of official duties or on a matter of public concern. Since there is ambiguity within these categories, courts have rendered opposing decisions on what speech qualifies for protection for decades. 

In 2014, the Supreme Court of the United States decided in Lane v. Franks that a public employee giving truthful, sworn testimony outside the scope of his or her employment is protected by the First Amendment.[7] Edward Lane was hired by Central Alabama Community College (hereinafter CACC) to be the Director of Community Intensive Training for Youth.[8] Lane fired Suzanne Schmitz for lack of appropriate reporting, which he discovered by conducting an audit, but then Lane was fired by the President of CACC, Steve Franks, for his testimony in the Schmitz trial.[9] Lane brought suit against Franks, arguing that he was improperly retaliated against for testifying in the Schmitz trial for mail fraud and improper use of federal funds.[10] The Court held that Lane had a right to First Amendment protection for his truthful testimony, prompted by subpoena, because “[s]worn testimony in judicial proceedings is a quintessential example of speech as a citizen for a simple reason: Anyone who testifies in court bears an obligation, to the court and society at large, to tell the truth.”[11] From the Lane ruling it appeared as though a point of clarity had been reached for public employees testifying in court, a small degree of clarification for the complex Pickering test. 

However, only a few years later, in the 2019 case of  Butler v. Board of County Commissioners for San Miguel County, the Tenth Circuit held that the truthful, sworn testimony of a public employee in a child custody hearing was not protected by the First Amendment.[12] This case centered on the testimony of Jerud Butler, a public employee, working as a newly-appointed supervisor in the Road and Bridge Department for San Miguel County.[13] Butler testified on behalf of his sister-in-law in a custody dispute for her children and was predominately asked to relay information about his working hours and job requirements since the child’s father also worked for the Department.[14] Two weeks later, Butler was demoted and reprimanded for his testimony in the proceeding, and he subsequently brought suit against his employer for violation of his First Amendment rights.[15] In Butler, the Tenth Circuit ruled that the issue of child custody is a private, domestic interest, “not of general interest to the community as a whole,” and, thus, is not subject to First Amendment protections because it fails the “public concern” prong.[16] Not only is this holding in direct conflict with Lane, it also contradicts the long-held family law standard that it is the duty of the state to consider the best interest of the child as a public concern in child custody hearings.[17]

The law presumes parents will make decisions in the best interests of their children because “parents possess what a child lacks in maturity, experience, and capacity for judgment required for making life’s difficult decisions.”[18] Under the Fourteenth Amendment’s Due Process Clause, parents have a constitutionally protected right to “the custody, care, and nurtur[ing] of the child,” to which the state cannot interfere “without some showing of unfitness.”[19] The best interest of the child is a burden-shifting responsibility that requires the state to provide protection for minors when the fitness of the parents is called into question.[20] The Butler holding is contrary to the standard set forth in family law, which promotes the best interest of the child as a state protected interest through the doctrine of parens patriae—the idea that the state steps in as protector to prevent “injury to those who cannot protect themselves.”[21] The holding in Lane is more consistent with the promotion of the best interest of the child standard. Testimony in a custody dispute is a public concern that should per se qualify under the second prong of the Pickering test because the state has a duty to take an active role in protecting minors under the standards of parens patriae and the best interest of the child. 

Part I of this Note will offer a review of First Amendment rights for public employees, looking at the development of the Pickering test. Part II will discuss the importance of the best interest of the child standard in custody disputes and how it is used by courts today. Part III will analyze the holding in Butler against that of Lane and Part IV will argue that it is necessary to include public employee testimony in child custody disputes as a per se public concern under the Pickering test, due to the best interest of the child standard. 

I. History of Public Employee Protections and the First Amendment

The First Amendment to the United States Constitution protects, among other freedoms, the freedom of speech for people within the United States.[22] This protection prohibits the government from punishing, altering, or restricting verbal or written statements made by persons in the United States, in order to promote trust and self-governance among the people.[23] Through the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, these First Amendment protections from government regulation of speech are applied to the states.[24]

However, because public employees are “in a special relationship to the government,” their speech is not protected under the First Amendment when it is considered to be detrimental to the public employer, as determined by the test first established in the 1968 Supreme Court case, Pickering v.Board of Education.[25]

Pickering held that public employees do not give up First Amendment protection by accepting a job with the government or another public institution.[26] In this case, a public school teacher was fired for publishing a letter in response to recent actions taken by the School Board related to funding.[27] The school alleged that the teacher’s remarks were both false and damaging to the reputation of the school.[28] The Court held that Pickering’s letter was protected by the First Amendment because it represented a difference of opinion on a general public interest topic, taken up in the public sphere, and did not warrant his dismissal.[29] The Court emphasized the importance of a balancing test in this arena of free speech because the employer’s interest in limiting an employee’s “contribut[ion] to public debate is not significantly greater than its interest in limiting a similar contribution by any member of the general public.”[30] Furthermore, this case defined the public employee First Amendment protection exception as a fact-specific balancing test.[31] The Court held that teachers should be able to express opinions freely on the topics which they are the “most likely to have informed and definite opinions” on, and that the topic of school system funding was a “matter of legitimate public concern” for which “free and open debate is vital to informed decision-making.”[32] Pickering established itself as a foundational case for discerning the role of governmental protections for public employees’ speech. 

The next case that helped build First Amendment precedent in regard to public employees is Connick v. Meyers, which held that a state Assistant District Attorney’s termination for publishing a questionnaire related to office protocol after refusing to accept a transfer did not involve matters of public concern.[33] The Court set another standard of analyzing the content, form, and context of the public employee’s speech to determine whether it should be classified as a public concern.[34] It determined that the internal questionnaire meant for employees focused on internal opinion of internal action and did not seek the public’s opinion, nor attempt to show any wrongful action by any of the attorney’s superiors to the public.[35]Based on this analysis, the termination was not in violation of the attorney’s First Amendment right because the issue was a matter of private concern which can be subject to retaliation and, therefore, does not require analysis under the Pickering balancing test.[36] Connick will be further addressed later in this Note to determine if a child custody dispute and sworn testimony meet the requisite form, context, and content to be classified as interests of public concern. 

The final foundational case for First Amendment public employee protections is Garcetti v. Ceballos[37] The Court held that Ceballos was acting in his capacity as a calendar deputy when he wrote a memorandum regarding government misconduct in a particular case to his supervisor.[38]Thus, his speech was not protected by the First Amendment, and his internal punishments of reassignment and denial of promotion were appropriate.[39] This case takes a more detailed look at the first step in the analysis outlined in Butler: whether the employee is acting pursuant to his or her official duties.[40] Through the outlining of these cases, it is clear that public employee First Amendment protections are a fact-specific, case-by-case decision for courts, and because of the discrepancies in this form of analysis, they often lead to circuit splits. 

The three cases discussed above help to build a foundation for the tests applied in Butler and Lane. It appeared as though the Supreme Court had issued the final say in Lane in holding that the First Amendment protects the truthful, sworn testimony of a public employee, prompted by subpoena, and not acting in his or her capacity as an employee.[41] However, five years later, the Tenth Circuit held in Butler that this standard was not directly applicable to public employees testifying in child custody cases.[42] When looking at the elements discussed in Connick, the apparent per se rule created by Lane, that public employees’ sworn testimony is protected by the First Amendment, places too much emphasis on the form and context of the speech and not the content.[43] The Tenth Circuit ultimately ruled that while the form and context of Butler’s speech for his sister-in-law’s custody hearing met the public concern standard, the content was simply too personal and only “of great significance to the private parties involved in the proceeding,” and because the hearing related to an individual parent’s custody right to her own child, it was not a “political, social, or other concern of the larger community.”[44] This is where Butler and the precedent of family law do not coincide.  

II. History of the Best Interest of the Child and the State as Parens Patriae

The doctrine of parens patriae directly translates to “parent of the county,” and represents the idea that the state can step into a protector role when citizens, who have the initial right of protector status, fail to do so.[45] While historically the common-law doctrine applied to situations of mental incapacity, more recently it has been legislatively applied to states’ control of certain areas, including:[46] natural resources,[47] and, most significantly for this Note, the welfare of a child.[48]

The Supreme Court of the United States held that “[t]he State has an urgent interest in the welfare of the child . . . . As parens patriae, the State’s goal is to provide the child with a permanent home.”[49] Additionally, the Tenth Circuit has emphasized that “[s]tates have a parens patriae interest in preserving and promoting children’s welfare.”[50] Specifically in Colorado, the state of origin of the Butler case, the court recognized that the state, as parens patriae, has a continuing responsibility for the protection of children in its territory under § 19-1-104(1)(c) of the Colorado Children’s Code.[51] These jurisdiction-specific holdings demonstrate the state has a universally understood interest to protect children within its borders under the doctrine of parens patriae

During a child custody hearing, as occurred in Butler, the universally applied standard is known as the best interest of the child standard.[52] This standard is represented in section 402 of the Uniform Marriage and Divorce Act (hereinafter UMDA).[53] It was born out of a century of gender-based presumptions controlling custody decisions post-divorce.[54] First, children were considered property; therefore, custody favored fathers, as women could not own property.[55] This view then shifted to the since-abolished “tender years doctrine” in the early 1800s, which preferred maternal custody if the child was young.[56] Finally the courts arrived at a more gender neutral, child-centered approach in the mid-1800s, known as the best interest of the child doctrine.[57] As defined in the UMDA, the doctrine is comprised of five factors.[58] The court analyzes a custody decision based on: (1) the desires of parents, (2) the wishes of the child,  (3) the child’s interactions with each parent and other related parties, (4) the concerns related to the child’s home or school environment, and (5) the mental and physical well-being of all involved parties.[59]

While all of the above factors are significant in determining custody, for Butler, it is important to distinguish that there may be expert witnesses such as social workers, psychologists, and doctors who testify related to their expert knowledge in order for the court to determine custody.[60]However, Butler was a character witness who also happened to be a public employee.[61] He was not providing testimony because of his employment, but rather because of his personal connections to the parents and the insights he could offer about the father’s work.[62]

Butler worked for the Road and Bridge Department in San Miguel County, Colorado, alongside his sister-in-law’s ex-husband.[63] While on the stand, Butler was asked about the hours of operation for the Department and other operational questions because the child’s father also worked for the Road and Bridge Department.[64] In response to this testimony, his employer demoted him.[65] This employer retaliation is not in line with the protections afforded to public employees under the First Amendment and Lane v. Franks.[66]

Butler was in a unique position to offer knowledge as to the father’s work schedule for purposes of the custody arrangement, just as the teacher in Pickering had unique knowledge of the way money should be spent in schools.[67] As “members of a community most likely to have informed and definite opinions”[68] related to the issue at hand, both should feel equally safe to be able to speak freely on these important public issues—education and child custody—without fear of retaliatory dismissal due to the issue’s classification as a private concern.

The foundational case for the best interest standard is Troxel v. Granville, which limits the state’s ability to interfere with a parent’s rearing of their child due to the parent’s constitutionally guaranteed right to make decisions on behalf of the child, pursuant to the Fourteenth Amendment.[69] In Troxel, the Court improperly superseded the mother’s fundamental right to decide what is in the child’s best interest and granted the paternal grandparents visitation rights.[70] Therefore, unless the custody of the child is put into question, triggering an analysis by the court using the five-factors discussed above, the parents retain decision making power for the child.

Another often cited best interest case is McDermott v. Dougherty, which discusses more directly the best interest standard as applied to parental custody disputes.[71] The best interest standard is particularly important in custody disputes between parents, and is significant to the Butler case, because it shows the court’s need for accurate information from character witnesses in making custody determinations. While each parent may appear biased based on their personal interests, third parties—like Butler—who have a familial relationship with the parties, may be of particular use in the courts in determining the best interest of the child. 

Thus, the best interest of the child is a paramount legal standard in the U.S..[72] Arguably, one of the most useful pieces of evidence in a custody dispute is third-party testimony that puts the statements or actions of one parent in question. For example, in OCBSS v. Manuel, the court dismissed a mother’s petition after third-party testimony contradicted her own testimony by countering the mother’s statements related to financial stability and disputing the child’s happiness in the mother’s home.[73] Contrary to this, arguments have been made that the best interest standard is not in conformity with the fundamental right of parents to parent their children.[74] In states that lack a joint custody standard, the best interest determination may appear to grant the judge too much power in independently determining the best interest of the child in the role of parens patriae.[75] However, most states, including Colorado,[76] follow a joint custody standard,[77] where the best interest factors are a more productive and fairer analysis for the court to use.  

III. Butler’s Silence on the Best Interest Standard: Is this a Problem?

By connecting these two doctrines, parens patriae and the best interest of the child, the state’s role in child custody proceedings is clear: protect the child without overstepping the constitutional interests of the parent. The Butler majority opinion begins by citing to the first three steps of the Pickering/Garcetti test: public employee speech is protected only when that speech is “(1) made as a citizen (2) on a matter of public concern (3) if the employee’s right to speak outweighs the government’s interest as an employer in an efficient workplace.”[78] The case specifically deals with whether child custody cases should be classified as issues of public concern.[79]

The majority held that “[a]lthough Butler’s testimony involved a matter of great significance to the private parties involved in the proceeding, it did not relate to any matter of political, social or other concern of the larger community,” thus the testimony was not on a public concern.[80]However, based on the holdings in both Lane and Troxel, because this case arose from post-divorce proceedings, it is one in which the courts must intervene with a parent’s constitutional right to raise and make decisions for their children. Contrary to Troxel, where the mother was the sole surviving parent,[81] and therefore had the only say in parenting decisions, in Butler, the parents are in a custody dispute following their separation.[82] Because of this, the court should use the best interest of the child standard to determine what the best custody arrangement is for this situation.  

Butler argued that he was speaking on a matter of public concern because “the state’s general interest in child welfare and fair custody proceedings,” classifies a child custody hearing as such.[83] The Tenth Circuit disagreed, providing case-based examples of what would classify as public concern, including “evidence of corruption, impropriety, or other malfeasance within the government entity,” but not usually “internal personnel disputes and working conditions.”[84] In the Connick test, as discussed above, there are three main criteria for deciding if speech should be classified as relating to public concern: form, context, and content.[85] Here, too much emphasis is placed on the content of the speech, meaning the questions that Butler was asked while testifying in the child custody proceeding.[86]

When looking at the form and context of the speech, the court also rejects the significance of First Amendment protection for public employees testifying in child custody cases. The court reasons that because the community at large did not have an interest in the hours of operation of the Department or the sister-in-law’s character, the testimony was on a private concern and could be subject to retaliation because Butler spoke of something which was readily accessible to the public (namely the hours of operation).[87] While it is reasonable to argue that the information Butler provided in his testimony was likely readily accessible in another format to be presented to the court, this does not mean that it should have been against the employer’s interest for Butler to testify as he did. 

As Cynthia Estlund argues, the classifications of specific practices as being within public concern for purposes of the First Amendment under Connick is a limiting practice on what our society is told to value.[88] If a subject is not considered to be within the realm of public concern, then the possibility increases that it will no longer be viewed as a “legitimate subject[] of public discussion.”[89] If more courts refuse to classify child custody hearings as matters of public concern, the integrity and safety of the process of determining custody through the courts will be delegitimized and countless children disenfranchised.[90] Ultimately, the stringent classifications in the public concerns test, “discounts the importance, and undermines the claim to constitutional status, of speech grounded in the real, everyday experience of ordinary people.”[91]

Estlund further points out that the public concerns test, as it is presently applied, also prohibits “women in particular” from these public employee protections because women are often less able to “participate in public life” due to “pregnancy, childbirth and childrearing responsibilities.”[92] The limitations of the public concern test keep women from having the opportunity to participate in public discourse without fear of retaliation by public employers because the issues that are frequently expected to be at the forefront of their minds have not been classified as “public” enough to warrant free speech privileges. 

The dissent in Butler, written by Judge Lucero, advocates for the use of the best interest standard in this case.[93] Colorado declared that the placement of children was a matter of public concern through its statutes,[94] which should have provided a basis for an argument that the majority did not address. Furthermore, the dissent correctly points out that while custody “is partly personal in nature, it is at its root a societal and public issue.”[95] Before incorporating analysis of the best interest of the child, the dissent makes multiple astute arguments that Lane intended for the form and the context of testimony in a public court case to be enough to raise the speech to a realm of public concern.[96] Moreover, a connection is drawn between sentencing proceedings, which were held to invoke public concern in Bailey v. Indep. Sch. Dis. No. 69,[97] and child custody cases.[98] Both proceedings are paid for by the public, become public record, and are able to be viewed by the public.[99] The court is at the forefront of public discourse in America, and all proceedings before it should be viewed as relating to public concern. 

The dissent draws connections the majority failed to see. First, Colorado clearly supports and enforces the parens patriae doctrine, requiring the state to care for “children who cannot care for themselves.”[100] This protection is achieved when the court, again following Colorado’s instruction, “make[s] an independent examination of the best interest of the child in custody matters.”[101] The majority appears to ignore Colorado precedent which promotes custody disputes as related to the state’s public interest, and even more that child support has a public function as well.[102] The dissent makes the same conclusion as this Note: Lane creates the Supreme Court precedent for testimony to be classified as public concern, Colorado further promotes child custody and welfare as a public concern, and nowhere is child custody classified as a private interest.[103] Butler’s testimony is quintessential public concern for child custody cases and yet he is punished for acting in conformity with two widely accepted and applied legal standards.  

IV. What is the Solution? 

The Tenth Circuit was incorrect to rule against Butler and the best interest standard. While the court did not have to go so far as to say that there is a per se First Amendment protection for public employees testifying in court, the court should have recognized the significance of child welfare in Colorado and the public concern given to this topic. The United States Supreme Court should take up this case on appeal in order to more clearly classify all proceedings in a public courtroom as related to public concern, especially those dealing with the welfare of children. 

When Lane was decided, there was a massive circuit split on what to do about public employee testimony in court cases, not just in child custody decisions.[104] The nuances of the Garcetti and Pickering tests were interpreted differently by the circuits, each placing emphasis on different aspects.[105] The Supreme Court needs to create a streamlined approach, which more clearly includes room for child custody proceedings as a public concern. While the Lane decision created a clearer, more standardized approach to dealing with public employee testimony, more could have been said. As Sara Robertson argues, altering the standard to first determine “whether the speech is on a matter of public concern as the sole threshold question,” before applying the Pickering test would better balance all parties interests.[106] If this standard were adopted, then the Tenth Circuit would have had to first consider that Butler was testifying in a child custody case, which under Colorado law is a public concern.[107] With such an approach implemented, the court would then be able to tell the employer that because Butler was testifying in a case which was related to public concern, namely the welfare of a child, his speech was protected from employer retaliation. 

An alternative, which is slightly counter-intuitive, requires restraint on the state’s parens patriae power to remove child custody disputes from the courts and resolve them instead through arbitration.[108] According to Aaron Zurek, the current system in many states does not allow for “arbitration of custody disputes or subject[s] the award to de novo judicial review.”[109] This allows for significant control of child custody cases in the court system and in turn makes public employees vulnerable to retaliation for their testimony in such cases. Arbitration of child custody decisions also promotes the best interest of the child by “allowing parents to choose the values that shall govern the decisionmaker’s resolution of their custody dispute.”[110] Allowing parents to arbitrate their child custody decisions is a practical alternative to relieve stress on the court system and honor the best interest of the child standard. 

Conclusion

One’s position as a public employee should not hinder nor suppress the truth when something as significant as a child’s well-being and safety is on the line. The Tenth Circuit, in Butler, threatened this idea by holding that public employee testimony is not related to a public concern in child custody cases. With clear evidence from Colorado, the state of origin of the case, that the state has an interest in protecting the welfare of children coupled with a storied history of traditions of parens patriae and the best interest of the child standard across the nation, the Tenth Circuit ignored precedent and deemed child custody to be a domestic, private matter. 

Private negotiations and mediations are not in the realm of public concern; divorce and custody battles that happen outside the courtroom are not public concern. But when the welfare of a child is put into the hands of the court, a public institution, the state must protect the interests of the child. Courts have taken advantage of their unique role in child custody proceedings, too often usurping the parents’ desires in the name of the best interest standard. The ability of parents to provide testimony of witnesses, whether they be employed publicly or privately, is a right that no court should try to abridge. The sanctity, procedure, and classification of the court as dealing with matters of public concern should be appreciated and adhered to across all disciplines of the law, even when the case relates to matters of the family. 

[I] Notes Editor, Kentucky Law Journal, Volume 109; J.D. Candidate, University of Kentucky J. David Rosenberg College of Law (2021); B.A. English, Centre College (2018).

[2] See Pickering v. Bd. of Educ., 391 U.S. 563, 574 (1968).

[3] Id.

[4] Id. at 568.

[5] Butler v. Bd. of Cty. Comm’rs., 920 F.3d 651, 655 (10th Cir. 2019) (internal citations omitted). 

[6] Id.

[7] Lane v. Franks, 573 U.S. 228, 231 (2014). 

[8] Id. at 231–32.

[9] Id. at 232–33. 

[10] Id. at 234.

[11] Id. at 238.

[12] Butler v. Bd. of Cty. Comm’rs., 920 F.3d 651, 653–54 (10th Cir. 2019).

[13] Id. at 653. 

[14] Id. at 654.

[15] Id.

[16] Id. at 663.

[17] Id. at 667 (Lucero, J., dissenting). 

[18] Parham v. J.R., 442 U.S. 584, 602 (1979).

[19] Quilloin v. Walcott, 434 U.S. 246, 255 (1978).

[20] See id. 

[21] Alfred L. Snapp & Son, Inc., v. Puerto Rico, 458 U.S. 592, 600 (1982); see also McDermott v. Dougherty, 869 A.2d 751, 803 (Md. 2005) (discussing the role of the judge to consider a father’s fitness when making a custody ruling under the doctrine of parens patriae).

[22] U.S. Const. amend. I.

[23] See Geoffrey R. Stone & Eugene Volokh, Freedom of Speech and the Press, Nat’l Const. Ctr., https://constitutioncenter.org/interactive-constitution/interpretation/amendment-i/interps/266 [https://perma.cc/6F8F-DRED] (last visited Feb. 22, 2021). 

[24] U.S. Const. amend. XIV, §1.

[25] Stone & Volokh, supra note 23; Pickering v. Bd. of Educ., 391 U.S. 563, 565 (1968).

[26] Pickering, 391 U.S. at 573. 

[27] Id. at 566–67.

[28] Id.  

[29] Id. at 571–73.

[30] Id. at 573. 

[31] Id. at 568.

[32] Id. at 571–72. 

[33] Connick v. Meyers, 461 U.S. 138, 148 (1983).

[34] Id. at 147–48. 

[35] Id. at 148. 

[36] Id. at 154 (citing Pickering v. Bd. of Educ., 391 U.S. 563, 568 (1968)) (throughout the Connick opinion, the Pickering balancing test was applied to reach this conclusion). 

[37] Garcetti v. Ceballos, 547 U.S. 410 (2006).

[38] Id. at 421.

[39] Id. 

[40] Id.; Butler v. Bd. of Cty. Comm’rs., 920 F.3d 651, 655 (10th Cir. 2019).

[41] Lane v. Franks, 573 U.S. 228, 238 (2014).

[42] Butler, 920 F.3d at 653–54.

[43] Id.

[44] Id. at 654.

[45] See Alfred L. Snapp & Son, Inc. v. Puerto Rico, 458 U.S. 592, 600 (1982).

[46] Id. 

[47] See generally New Mexico v. GE, 467 F.3d 1223 (10th Cir. 2006) (explaining parens patriae interests of states protecting the public’s beneficial use of groundwater).

[48] Santosky v. Kramer, 455 U.S. 745, 766 (1982).

[49] Id.

[50] Gomes v. Wood, 451 F.3d 1122, 1128 (10th Cir. 2006).

[51] E.P. v. District Court, 696 P.2d 254, 258 (Colo. 1985).

[52] Ex rel E.L.M.C., 100 P.3d 546, 558 (Colo. App. 2004).

[53] Erin Bajackson, Best Interests of the Child—A Legislative Journey Still in Motion, 25 J. Am. Acad. Matrimonial L. 311, 311 (2013).

[54] Id. at 312–14.

[55] Id. 

[56] Id.

[57] Id. at 314. 

[58] Id. at 315. 

[59] Id.

[60] See generally Reginald A. Hirsch, Expert Witnesses in Child Custody Cases, 19 Family L. Q. 207 (1985) (outlining the use of expert witnesses in child custody cases). 

[61] Butler v. Bd. of Cty. Comm’rs., 920 F.3d 651, 653 (10th Cir. 2019).

[62] Id.

[63] Id.

[64] Id. at 654. 

[65] Id. 

[66] Id. at 668–69 (Lucero, J., dissenting).

[67] Pickering v. Bd. of Educ., 391 U.S. 563, 572 (1968).

[68] Id.

[69] Troxel v. Granville, 530 U.S. 57, 65 (2000).

[70] Id. at 68–69.

[71] McDermott v. Dougherty, 869 A.2d 751, 770 (Md. 2005).

[72] Troxel v. Granville, 530 U.S. 57, 86, 91 (2000).

[73] George L. Blum, Annotation, Sufficiency of Evidence to Modify Existing Joint Legal Custody of Children Pursuant to Consent Order and/or Divorce Judgment—General Principles, Jurisdictional Issues, and General Issues Related to “Best Interest of Child,” 99 A.L.R.6th 203 § 28 (2014).

[74] See Nicole Lapatis, In the Best Interest of No One: How New York’s “Best Interest of the Child” Law Violates Parents’ Fundamental Right to the Care, Custody, and Control of their Children, 86 St. John’s L. Rev. 673, 678 (2012).

[75] Id. at 688. 

[76] Colo. Rev. Stat. § 14-10-124(1) (2014).

[77] Lapatis, supra note 74, at 678. 

[78] Butler v. Bd. of Cty. Comm’rs., 920 F.3d 651, 653 (10th Cir. 2019).

[79] Id. at 653–54. 

[80] Id. at 654. 

[81] Troxel v. Granville, 530 U.S. 57, 60 (2000).

[82] Butler, 920 F.3d at 653. 

[83] Id. at 656–57. 

[84] Id. at 656.

[85] Id. at 657. 

[86] Id. at 665 (Lucero, J., dissenting).

[87] Id. at 664.

[88] Cynthia L. Estlund, Speech on Matters of Public Concern: The Perils of an Emerging First Amendment Category, 59 Geo. Wash. L. Rev. 1, 3 (1990).

[89] Id.

[90] See Butler, 920 F.3d at 665–68 (Lucero, J., dissenting).

[91] Estlund, supra note 88, at 37. 

[92] Id. at 39. 

[93] Butler, 920 F.3d at 667 (Lucero, J., dissenting). 

[94] Colo. Rev. Stat. § 19-3-100.5(1) (2018).

[95] Butler, 920 F.3d at 665 (Lucero, J., dissenting).

[96] Id. at 666 (Lucero, J., dissenting).

[97] Bailey v. Indep. Sch. Dist. No. 69, 896 F.3d 1176, 1181 (10th Cir. 2018). 

[98] Butler, 920 F.3d at 666 (Lucero, J., dissenting). 

[99] Id.

[100] Id. at 667.

[101] Id.

[102] Id. 

[103] Id. at 666–67.

[104] Sara J. Robertson, Note, Lane v. Franks: The Supreme Court Frankly Fails to Go Far Enough, 60 St. Louis U. L.J. 293, 300–01 (2016).

[105] Id. 

[106] Id. at 314.

[107] See generally Butler, 920 F.3d at 665–67 (Lucero, J., dissenting) (citing Colorado laws pertaining to the public interest in child custody).

[108] Aaron E. Zurek, Note, All the King’s Horses and All the King’s Men: The American Family After Troxel, the Parens Patriae Power of the State, a Mere Eggshell Against the Fundamental Right of Parents to Arbitrate Custody Disputes, 27 Hamline J. Pub. L. & Pol’y 357, 364 (2006). 

[109] Id.

[110] E. Gary Spitko, Reclaiming the “Creatures of the State”: Contracting for Child Custody Decisionmaking in the Best Interests of the Family, 57 Wash. & Lee L. Rev. 1139, 1144 (2000).